一、Ｏｎ Ｄｅｎｇ Ｘｉａｏｐｉｎｇ＇ｓ Ｔｈｉｎｋｉｎｇ ｏｆ Ｂｕｉｌｄｉｎｇ Ｓｐｅｃｉａｌ Ｅｃｏｎｏｍｉｃ Ｚｏｎｅｓ（论文文献综述）
周文,刘少阳[1]（2021）在《The Centenary of the CPC: Exploration and Improvement of Central-Local Economic Relationship》文中进行了进一步梳理Decentralization is a global phenomenon, but growth is not. The economic relationship between central and local governments is an important yet unresolved question in China’s economic development. As a large country with unbalanced political and economic development, China is faced with unbalanced and inadequate development as the primary constraint to meeting people’s ever-growing needs for a better life. The Communist Party of China（CPC） has been exploring to mobilize the initiatives of both central and local governments. During the planned economy era, China experienced a few rounds of centralization of economic powers but failed to strike a balance in maximizing the initiatives of both central and local governments. After the reform and opening up policy enacted in 1978, China’s central and local governments have succeeded in combining economic decentralization with administrative decentralization. China’s central government,local governments and enterprises have become resource allocation entities. China’s economic growth miracle has been driven by promoting the initiatives of central and local governments. Entering the new era, the central-local economic relationship represents an institutional strength of concentrating resources to accomplish great undertakings and leveraging the initiatives of both central and local governments. With the principal contradiction facing China’s development shifted into one between people’s growing needs for a better life and unbalanced and inadequate development, the management of central and local government relationship has taken on greater theoretical significance and salient implications in the new era.
仇华飞,孙雪[2]（2021）在《习近平对外开放思想理论与实践的继承与创新（英文）》文中研究指明Adherence to China’s fundamental national policy of opening up is the only means of developing socialism that incorporates Chinese characteristics. General Secretary Xi Jinping has proposed the construction of a global community with a shared future, explaining the conceptual significance of engaging with the outside world. He has emphasized the importance of following the path of peaceful development and abiding by a mutually beneficial win-win strategy to unlock the country. He has postulated the Belt and Road Initiative and sought international cooperation, laying a robust material foundation to promote increasingly accessible relations between China and other nations worldwide. He has further illuminated the practical value of opening up. Xi Jinping’s conception of opening up represents the inheritance and innovation of a theory of world history and the conceptual and functional significance of unlocking the nation in the manner of Marx, Engels, and Deng Xiaoping. China’s strategy of opening up in the new era is marked by the idea of harmony but not uniformity. This policy was founded on innovation and development, based on China’s achievements through 40 years of reform.
José Manuel Morales Valdés[3]（2021）在《1980年代以来的市场实施与高等教育治理制度改革：中国与智利的比较研究》文中进行了进一步梳理本文对80年代至今的中国与智利的高校治理改革进行了比较研究。主要考察改革的原因、内容和结果,以评估其取得的成功及面临的风险。研究目的是分析应用市场机制改革、高等教育治理如何影响其治理过程。为此,将两个在教育系统市场实施方面具有类似经验,但在历史,政治,社会和文化上有重大差异的国家进行了比较。从这种截然不同的情况的观察中,可以得出很多关于引入市场机制在高等教育中可能产生的各种影响的重要启示。因此本文的研究问题是:从80年代至今,中智高校治理改革过程的异同点能给我们带来什么启示。因两国在历史及文化上有巨大差异,强调一个体系的成功且力图将此成功嫁接到另一个体系,不是本文的目的。本文旨在引起反思,着重研究市场机制的实施在高校治理的经验,特别是国家在实施过程中的作用。高等教育治理主要指高等教育机构（HEI）和国家之关系。高等教育治理通过不同行政工具,如法令、政府计划及方案,指导高等教育机构的工作。政府、当局、教育界及市场激励都发挥调节作用因而参与到高等教育治理工程中。自1980年代以来,在全球范围内,高等教育体系的市场影响力日益增强。而此现象是本文的国际背景。引入高等教育市场机制有许多原因,而国际局面只是原因之一。不同历史和政治背景影响了中国和智利的高等教育制度,也影响了两国的国家和高等教育机构的关系。因此本研究第一章以历史探索来讨论两国高等教育的建立及现代化,用社会人口统计、经济和教育等指标说明此过程。根据话语分析方法,本研究试图分析官方文件对教育决策、制度改革及其运营的影响。最后分析了所研究的各个阶段的高等教育治理改革如何发展。第二章讨论1978年至1993年中国改革开放和智利专制军政府时期。实行改革开放政策后中国在高等教育治理体制改革中引入了市场机制。尽管改革过程面临一些问题（1986-1989）,但中国成功实现了高等教育体制转型,为随后所提倡的政策奠定了基础。就智利而言,军政府（1973年至1990年）在1981年开始一套高等教育改革允许私营企业进入教育制度。第三章讨论90时代两国高等教育加速扩张时期的改革措施。就中国而言,1993年至1998年。高教治理体制稳定下来,随后开始精心设计投资计划,重视保障内部公平以及促进整个体系更和谐地发展。在智利文人政府（1990至2005）开始设计一套政策追寻建立一个后国家主义者、后新自由主义的国政计划,关注增加国家的监管制度和质量评估功能。在本章亦讨论2000年代中智两国都开始一段快速扩张教育系统的阶段。中国以《高等教育法》来扩张其高等教育的范围。智利高等教育最大的扩张从2005年开始。随着《国家信贷保障法》通过私立高校促进了就学率。第四章讨论2010至2020高等教育治理改革。在这段期间中国成功达成在高等教育的广泛入学后,继续追寻其高等教育的全面国际化议程。同时在智利,随着更高的入学率,国家在教育模式发展方向上陷入严重的政治危机,导致系列目标未完成。这是智利高等教育系统陷入危机的十年。第五章讨论并总结了研究结果。研究认为尽管两国都以市场为高等教育发展的工具,但国家的作用在两国高等教育治理上明显不同。因此呈现两种高等教育治理模式。中国数据显示公立高等教育机构的学生比例超过百分之八十,主要原因是国家教育治理成功去中心化,设计了投资计划以达成一套社会目标。与中国相反,智利数据显示私立高等教育机构的学生比例超过百分之八十,因为国家聚焦于高等教育机构的监管以保障市场自由竞争。本文得出的结论是:决定高等教育治理的成败最关键的因素是:1)国家所当承担的角色及任务;2)国家使用资源的权利;3)国家对高等教育发展的投资战略观点。
Muhammad Nauman Akhter[4]（2021）在《中国不断变化的阿富汗对阿富汗政策（2009-2019）》文中研究说明International politics isn’t a static phenomenon;instead,the most thriving characteristic is the change.Owing to this distinguishing feature,the relations among states has to be varied accordingly.Both internal and external modifications affect states’ behavior,reflects in the form of their foreign policies.Therefore,it’s a mountainous task to study the state’s action,analytically and objectively.The thesis is an attempt to highlight continuity and change in policies of major regional powers at large and the role of leadership in foreign policy changes at particular.China has maintained a cautious policy towards Afghanistan;a state victim of foreign intervention and domestic violence more than four decades.Changing the nature of the conflict,dynamics of power configuration and evolution of policy response by China have been analyzed in this study.The Heart of Asia;Afghanistan embraced several internal coup d’etats,faced the wrath of the Soviet Union during the Cold War and the exercise of military might by the-then hegemon in the post-Cold War era.These back-to-back power shows by superpowers had implications for regional security,order and peace.Not only neighboring states had impacts of such major power shifts but also underwent a policy transformation to respond to this change.Afghanistan lies within the second and third of four-concentric security circles of China and is very important as the source of stability/instability in the western region of China.However,fewer attempts have been made to explore this western neighbor.This study applies the Neo-Classical Realism（NCR）and tries to explain the link between internal（Perception of new leadership in China about the relative positioning of his state in international system）and external variable;withdrawal of the United States,uncertainty in terms of the power vacuum and potential stronghold of an adversarial state;particularly India in Afghanistan.It maintains that while the United States announced withdrawal from the immediate neighborhood of China,yet India;a state that has been an active partner in the United States’pivot to Asia policy which is considered as offensive encirclement in China’s view,enjoyed the extended support of Washington in Afghanistan.Additionally,extensive scale cooperation between India and Afghanistan that ranges from a political stratum,infrastructure building,economic investment,so-called humanitarian assistance and last but not least security and strategic partnership,invokes several concerns for China.These include potential support to Islamic militancy in western China,a threat to the territorial integrity of Pakistan.In contrast,Pakistan bears the flagship project of the Belt and Road Initiative（BRI）by China.Considering these factors,a change in perception of leadership in Beijing resulted in change in policy from passive to active involvement in Kabul.The evolution of Chinese policy towards Afghanistan since 2009 is explained through the prism of NCR.It shares the basic assumptions with both Classical and Neo-Realism and takes into account the international and domestic variables to explain the foreign policy outcome of a state.The research takes the change in China’s policy since 2009 as the dependent variable,with the U.S withdrawal growing concerned for increasing Indian involvement affecting their relative position in the region as external（independent）variable and changing perception of China’s leadership as an internal（intervening）variable.The research focuses on the period since 2009 to 2019 and holds the period since 2001 as a pre-evolution phase where China played the role of an observer and maintained a modest economic presence in Afghanistan.Since the first announcement of withdrawal of the US-led western forces in 2009,China’s Afghanistan policy has been changing towards more engagement and bilateral cooperation.The word‘changing’implies that ever since 2009,China has been upgrading its Afghanistan’s engagement.The purpose of choosing the period 2009 to present is based on the theory NCR,in which one independent variable is the announcement of withdrawal plan of the US-led western force that is one of the major precursors for China’s Afghan policy.Under the independent variables,the research will evaluate the China’s Afghan policy since 2009 to present.To regulate the cause-and-effect relations between the dependent,independent and intervening variables,the study applies process tracing.In doing so,the research used both primary and secondary sources,including monographs,journal articles,newspapers and official databases.This study consists of several chapters.Chapter 1,the first chapter explains the research background,it outlines the whole thesis and offers a fundamental base for research under the mentioned topic.Encompassing the ground,it then proceeds to postulate hypothesis and explains the gap by evaluating previous literature.Lastly,theoretical framework,hypothesis,methodology,significance,literature review and objective of the study are discussed.Chapter 2,it takes a look at the wars in Afghanistan and the responses of relevant actors.The first part based on the historical background of Afghanistan accounts for the relevance of the 1979 war and the involvement of significant actors.The second part of the chapter explains the effects of 9/11 and its impacts on the security situation in Afghanistan;the chapter connects the links of the relevant actors’policies based on the pre 9/11 situation.It comprehensively deals with the significance of Afghanistan for China and other regional states.A thorough pro-genesis of the modern history of Afghanistan has been made,that helps in establishing the link between great power politics of balancing and role of buffer states from the era of colonialism to contemporary times.It also highlights the importance of Afghanistan in more excellent regional connectivity.The chapter then looks at China’s policy evolution since 9/11 and change in its stance towards Afghanistan.Chapter 3,it deals with the role of internal variables,i.e.,the part of leadership and their perception about the relative positioning of their state in the international system,the continuation of Neighborhood diplomacy and BRI.It also looks at China’s increasing economic interest in Afghanistan.The worsening security situation has also been discussed and its spillover effects that can have implications over western part of China.Chapter 4,through looking at the role of the United States’ exit policy and its effects not only on the region but most importantly on China,throws light on the external variables.By analyzing the change in power dynamics due to the creation of power vacuum and the threat of rival regional powers to take over,the chapter takes into consideration the potential factors which can threaten Chinese interests in the region.Chapter 5,it concludes that China approach towards Afghanistan amongst all great powers has been exemplary.This chapter also concludes the whole study.The concluding remarks are that China moulded its Afghan policy under the pretext of external and internal variables.Moreover,China’s Afghan policy is best explained under the theory NCR.The theoretical justification best explains the whole effect on the Chinese foreign policy towards Afghanistan.Also,the thesis presents some recommendations.
田绪军[5]（2020）在《基于语料库的中国外交形象演变研究（1949-2018）》文中指出国家形象是人们对一个国家的总体认知、看法和印象,有自塑形象与他塑形象、正面形象和负面形象之分。正面的国家形象可以给一个国家带来利益,负面的国家形象则可能损害国家利益。因此,各国都在努力树立正面形象,以维护自身利益和权益,并尽可能获得更多利益。随着中国经济的快速增长和综合国力的不断增强,中国越来越重视在国际社会树立积极正面形象,并努力提升其国家形象。学者们也从形象学、国际政治学、传播学、语言学和翻译学等领域对各种媒体话语、政治话语、文学作品、电影和多媒体话语中的中国国家形象进行了研究。国家形象可以在不同层面通过不同渠道进行塑造。外交是一个国家与其他国家、国际组织以及世界各国之间最直接的沟通和交流,是一个国家在国际舞台上最直接的表现方式,是塑造自身形象的最重要渠道和平台。然而,对通过外交建构的中国国家形象,特别是官方外交话语建构的中国自塑形象的研究还不多见。鉴于此,本研究将探索中国外交话语中建构的中国外交形象。本研究首先提出了一个新国家形象分析框架。该框架结合了费尔克劳夫的话语分析三维框架、国家形象建构理论和语料库话语分析理论;其次,本研究以中国外交话语历时语料库为基础,运用上述国家形象分析框架,对中国外交话语通过关键词、高频词、情态动词及其显着搭配和随机抽取的we小句的应用所构建的中国外交形象进行了分析;最后,本研究还探索了三个不同时期中国外交形象演变的社会、经济和历史因素。研究发现,中国外交的主要对象包括美国、前苏联、日本、英国以及一些亚洲、非洲国家等;中国外交的目标是在反对战争的同时维护世界和平,通过合作促进发展,同世界各国人民建立良好关系;中国外交的范围不断扩大,从第一阶段与社会主义国家和周边国家的外交交往,到第二阶段与更多国家的沟通交流,再到新时期全球外交中各领域的全方位外交交流与合作;中国外交的最主要内容第一阶段立国安邦,第二阶段是经济发展,第三阶段是国家的全面发展与全球治理与发展。作为国际国内民众对中国外交的整体看法与印象,中国外交形象随着国际国内政治、经济和社会环境的变化而不断变化。本研究发现第一阶段中国外交话语将中国塑造成为一个战争受害者、世界和平的坚定扞卫者、社会主义国家新成员、贫穷且弱小但对建设国家充满热情、积极寻求与他国建交、致力恢复联合国席位、努力争取妥善解决与邻国的边界问题的国家形象。但是,为了维护国家利益,中国对一些外交客体的态度是不断变化的。中华人民共和国成立初期,为了维护自身主权和利益,中国加入了苏联为首的社会主义阵营,反美国和日本为首的帝国主义阵营;七十年代初,中国改变了外交战略和政策,与美国、英国和日本建立了外交关系。第二阶段中国把经济发展和人民生活水平作为外交重点,中国外交话语将中国塑造成了一个国家完整和主权的坚决扞卫者、多领域国际合作的推动者、各种国际事务的积极参与者、中国共产党领导的社会主义国家形象。在此期间,中国外交的重心从战争与政治斗争转向了通过合作促进国民经济发展,从反对帝国主义转向了香港、澳门回归,从社会主义帝国主义两大阵营的分裂转向了世界各国的合作,从致力重返联合国转向了希望作为联合国会员国承担起更多责任,共同维护世界和平与稳定。与前两个时期截然不同,第三个阶段中国外交话语塑造了一个全球合作与发展的倡议者和发起者、世界和平与稳定的坚决扞卫者、各领域创新的积极推动者、国家治理经验与智慧的分享者形象。此外,中国着眼于全球合作与发展,愿与世界各国分享中国的发展模式与高新技术,为促进国际和区域合作与发展、提高人民生活水平做出贡献。同时,中国在国际事务始终秉持正直、公正的态度,积极寻求解决各种全球和地区问题的办法。研究发现,中国外交形象演变的主要因素包括中国根据不断变化的国际国内形势和不同时期的国家利益,在不同时期采取的外交理论和外交策略、中国外交话语的性质和内容以及中国外交话语的翻译策略。本研究结合语言学、形象学、语料库话语分析、外交学和国际政治等方面理论分析了不同时期中国外交话语构建的中国外交形象。本文提出的国家形象分析/建构框架对国家形象的设计与建构具有一定的参考价值。此外,本研究将基于语料库的话语分析与形象研究相结合,对愈来愈多的国家形象研究,尤其是中国国家形象研究,具有一定的理论意义。本研究运用跨度为70年的中国外交话语语料库对中国外交形象及其演变进行探索,对运用语料库方法的国家形象研究有一定的参考价值。
何杰一[6]（2021）在《显化翻译策略在外宣翻译中的应用 ——以《中国收入分配改革四十年》为例》文中研究指明中国改革开放四十年来,各方面取得了显着成就,中国的国际影响力不断增强,外宣翻译在树立国家形象、促进中外交流以及向外国读者介绍中国改革数年来取得的成就等方面发挥着重大的作用,但是由于中外语言表达习惯、文化背景以及思维习惯不同,译者也面临着巨大的挑战。本文以《中国收入分配改革四十年》翻译项目为例,分析原文的文本特点并介绍在其中运用显化翻译策略的必要性,据此分析在词汇、语句及语篇等层面上运用显化翻译策略的方法,可以分为词汇方面的缩略化名词、总结性表达、运用修辞手法、引用文化典故,语句方面的信息缺口和表达,得出补充语境信息、补充文化含义、揭示原文内涵,语篇层面的明确指示代词和译文衔接连贯等显化翻译策略,希望能为外宣文本的译者提供借鉴。
陈玉婷[7]（2020）在《经济类文本名词化结构的英汉翻译 ——《新兴市场大趋势》（节选）翻译实践报告》文中认为本文是基于《新兴市场大趋势》的翻译实践报告,该书属于经济类型文本,正式程度较高,其中最突出的特点就是大量使用动词名词化结构,而笔者在阅读相关文献的基础上发现学者们对名词化结构的分类不能完全解释笔者在翻译实践过程中遇到的问题,因此笔者在其他学者研究的基础上,结合翻译实践中名词化结构所在的语境以及其与其它词汇的搭配,对名词化结构进行重新分类,并且探讨不同的名词化结构的翻译方法。未来二十年,新兴市场的消费增长将成为世界经济增长的重要推动力。中国是世界上最大的新兴经济体之一,在过去30年中中国经济快速发展,在其发展过程中,我们还应密切注意其他发展中国家以及最不发达国家的经济状况。亚洲﹑非洲﹑中东和拉丁美洲许多地区的新兴市场仍然面临着巨大的经济挑战,例如贫困﹑不平等﹑社会治理薄弱和基础设施不足。《新兴市场大趋势》一书介绍了这些发展中国家和最不发达国家所面临的挑战和机遇。该书可以帮助读者更多地了解新兴经济体的经济状况以及发展中国家和最不发达国家人民的生活状况。本报告分为四个部分,第一部分对该翻译项目的简要介绍,包括源文本和作者的介绍等。第二部分介绍了翻译过程,包括译前准备工作、翻译过程中遇到的困难等。第三部分是这篇报告的主要部分,作者讨论了不同名词化结构的翻译,并举例以佐证其观点。第四部分是针对本次翻译实践得出的结论。通常,动词名词化结构可以译为动词或者名词,本报告的目的在于探究在何种情况下动词名词化结构应该译为动词、何种情况下该译为名词。分析发现,当动词名词化结构用作术语或与实义动词搭配时,通常译成名词或名词短语;当动词名词化结构被用在“动词名词化+介词+名词/名词短语”结构中或者与乏词义动词搭配时,动词名词化结构通常被翻译成目标语言中的动词。“动词名词化+介词+名词/名词短语”结构通常可译为主谓结构或者动宾结构,具体取决于动词名词化词语与名词/名词短语之间的关系。
吴晓彤[8]（2020）在《从释意理论视角分析庆祝中华人民共和国成立70周年大会解说词的口译》文中提出释意理论作为口译领域的基础理论之一,已经在广泛的研究和实践中得以深入发展。从文献上看,国内为数不多关于释意理论的博士研究论文是从认知科学、理论要素和教学模式的研究为主要方向,硕士论文则大多以总结口译策略为主要方向。本文将从释意理论角度,结合国庆七十周年大会的解说词及口译对照双语料,通过分析释意理论在口译中的体现与应用,对选取的典型案例进行相应的口译策略总结。本文将采用文献分析法和案例分析法来探索现场口译策略的步骤、特点和价值。文献分析法即通过对释意理论相关文献的研究进行查阅以探明释意论的本质和特点。通过文献分析,掌握其发展历程和研究进化成果,形成对于释意论的一般印象,系统性的梳理释意论框架从而为下文提供理论支撑。案例分析法即对有代表性的案例进行深入而仔细的研究从而总结出相应口译策略。两种分析方法相结合,不仅能够逐步形成对释意论的动态把握,还能在前人研究的基础上丰富口译领域典型案例研究。本研究以汉语解说词及大会现场领导人发言内容为源语语料,以英语口译成果作为目的语语料。通过实例分析,本文发现释意论对译员实际作业具有指导意义,译员在释意论的框架下能够更好地处理口译中所遇到的问题。此外,通过分析释意论在口译实践中应用,本文为释意论在我国口译领域的研究提供一定的参考价值。
SUDEEP KUMAR[9]（2020）在《关于中国马克思主义和中国崛起的再思考 ——一项后殖民评估》文中提出本文的主要目的是在毛泽东思想、邓小平理论和习近平思想这三个理论范式下,批判地研究中国马克思主义官方话语的本质和后毛泽东理论的连续性。此外,本研究还强调,中国五代政治领导人对于国家建设工程都有理论上的延续性。中国马克思主义的官方话语和中国共产党政治领导下的发展经验,尤其有助于与西方知识生产的帝国主义和霸权主义项目对抗中国的崩溃论。但是,我们也应该承认西方学术界在汉学领域的复杂多样性,其中包含对中国的深入理解和同情,以及支持、反思和恰当的批评。在这样的背景下,我们需要了解中国的崛起和过去70年的成功发展经验。这也意味着中国五代领导人都曾面临并仍然面临着世界秩序变化中的中国社会政治经济矛盾。事实上,中国的发展道路并不总是直接或明确的,但中国马克思主义官方话语的主要目标是相同的。我们需要批判性地评估中国经验的许多成功方面,以作为其他发展中国家的教训,而不要陷入其可取性和可移植性的诱惑。事实上,这是习近平时代的显着特征之一,也是他鼓励在不带任何意识形态偏见的情况下详细研究中国经验的成功,以解构西方对21世纪中国崛起的知识生产偏见。作为本文的一个概念框架,我广泛引用了爱德华·赛义德关于“东方主义”、丹尼尔·武科维奇关于“汉学东方主义”、约瑟夫·格雷戈里·马奥尼和马克西米兰·梅尔关于“数字东方主义”的居高临下的批评研究。后殖民东方主义话语分析的一个重要价值在于,如果不解构西方的霸权价值观和威斯特伐利亚民族国家与文明国家的文化差异。我认为,随着中国的崛起西方学术界在汉学领域已经用“中国威胁论”取代了“中国崩溃论”。为了全面评估中国的崛起,我们需要把这一现象置于中国马克思主义官方话语、世界观、中国作为文明国家和现代民族国家的双重身份之中。此外,我试图理解中国政治领导人在威斯特伐利亚国际秩序下如何进行理论思考,解释中国的和平崛起,以应对学术界的主观“中国威胁论”和西方知识生产的新殖民主义话语。当然,马克思主义话语下的理论发展为中国社会从“农业社会”向“工业化社会”向“先进技术社会”的转型提供了分析和政治指导意义。我们可以质疑中国共产党五代领导下的马克思主义官方意识形态立场的可靠性。但是,我们不可能忽视有五千多年历史的中国文明国家的延续性,从地方军阀、封建集团和外国列强的饥荒半殖民地半封建社会到世界第二大经济体。在中国共产党的全面领导和执政体制下,中国马克思主义不同的理论话语,使中国社会迎来了一个安定繁荣的新时代。为了找到中国的社会主义道路,毛泽东把马克思主义作为中国马克思主义的基础,奠定了中国农民革命的基础。事实上,从社会发展和人民幸福的尺度来看,后毛泽东理论的发展大体上是连续的。中国马克思主义的后毛泽东思想基础与后殖民东方主义文明批判西方知识生产话语对中国威胁论在媒体和学术界的共同地缘文化地位。因此,后殖民东方主义文明批判的生存性,为从中国的角度展开学术争论提供了一个批判的非西方学术空间。这样做也有助于学习中国社会政治经济经验的成功和中国马克思主义官方话语下的目标。今天许多发展中国家,如印度、巴西、南非以及亚洲、非洲和拉丁美洲国家,都在探索自己的重要后殖民项目。当然,中国的崛起已经打破了学术界对西方知识生产的意识形态偏见的议程设置。
蒋馨文[10]（2020）在《模拟交传中的认知负荷及其解决方案 ——纪录片《四十不惑》口译实践报告》文中研究表明交替传译实践作为帮助译员提高口译水平的方式之一,为译员及时发现问题、解决问题提供有效途径。通过纪录片《四十不惑》交替传译实践,从译前准备阶段、译中交传阶段到译后反思阶段,译者对口译过程中出现的认知负荷问题进行了探析,并以吉尔的认知负荷模型理论为背景,提出了对应的解决方案。吉尔的认知负荷模型理论指出,口译产出的质量与认知负荷的合理分配及运用有着紧密的联系。一旦译员所需的认知负荷总量超出可用认知负荷总量,则会出现如信息漏译、信息误译等多种失误现象。结合吉尔的认知负荷模型与此次交传口译实践,本文具体分析了口译过程中认知负荷的具体问题,主要体现于以下方面:即专业知识形成的认知负荷,听辨不清形成的认知负荷,字幕提示信息形成的认知负荷。针对上述口译问题,本文探讨了相应的解决方案,具体包括:译前百科知识预测,译前专业名词积累,译前方言理解训练,译中过渡信息填补,译中修正视听信息,以及回避字幕干扰信息。上述口译中的认知负荷问题分析来源于实践。希望与之相应的解决方案能够有利于译员在口译实践过程中高质量产出译语,并为同类的交替传译任务提供参考。
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文献研究法：通过调查文献来获得资料，从而全面的、正确的了解掌握研究方法。
实证研究法：依据现有的科学理论和实践的需要提出设计。
定性分析法：对研究对象进行“质”的方面的研究，这个方法需要计算的数据较少。
定量分析法：通过具体的数字，使人们对研究对象的认识进一步精确化。
跨学科研究法：运用多学科的理论、方法和成果从整体上对某一课题进行研究。
功能分析法：这是社会科学用来分析社会现象的一种方法，从某一功能出发研究多个方面的影响。
模拟法：通过创设一个与原型相似的模型来间接研究原型某种特性的一种形容方法。
三、Ｏｎ Ｄｅｎｇ Ｘｉａｏｐｉｎｇ＇ｓ Ｔｈｉｎｋｉｎｇ ｏｆ Ｂｕｉｌｄｉｎｇ Ｓｐｅｃｉａｌ Ｅｃｏｎｏｍｉｃ Ｚｏｎｅｓ（论文提纲范文）
（1）The Centenary of the CPC: Exploration and Improvement of Central-Local Economic Relationship（论文提纲范文）
| 1. Introduction |
| 2. CPC’s Exploration of Central-Local Economic Relationship in the Planned Economy Era |
| 2.1 CPC’s Exploration of Central-Local Economic Relationship in the 1950s |
| 2.1.1 Formation of a highly centralized?scal management system |
| 2.1.2 Mao Zedong’s thought of giving play to“two initiatives” |
| 2.1.3 Attempts to decentralize power during the Great Leap Forward |
| 2.2 Adjustment of Central-Local Economic Relationship in the 1960s-1970s |
| 2.2.1 Adjustment of central and local economic powers |
| 2.2.2 Adjustment of central-local?scal and administrative powers |
| 3. CPC’s Reform and Improvement of Central-Local Economic Relationship since 1978 |
| 3.1 Deng Xiaoping’s Understanding and Practice of Central-Local Economic Relationship |
| 3.1.1“Eating from separate stoves”:Adjustment to central-local?scal powers |
| 3.1.2 Putting cities in charge of counties:Expanding the jurisdictions of cities |
| 3.1.3 Special economic zones:Conferring greater economic powers to the local level |
| 3.2 CPC’s Adjustment to Central-Local Economic Relationship in the New Era |
| 3.2.1 Attempts to implement the“tax-sharing system”reform |
| 3.2.2 Reforming the central vertical administration system to underscore the economic authority of the central government |
| 3.2.3 Implementing the vision of“two overall situations”to balance regional development |
| 3.3 Theory and Practice of Central-Local Economic Relationship Guided by the Scienti?c Outlook on Development |
| 3.3.1 Further improvement in the tax-sharing?scal system |
| 3.3.2 Improving?scal management system below provincial level |
| 4. CPC’s Further Improvement to the Central-Local Economic Relationship in the New Era |
| 4.1 Background of the Party’s Exploration of Central-Local Economic Relationship since the 18th CPC National Congress |
| 4.2 Adjustment of Central-Local Fiscal Powers |
| 4.3 Straightening out the Division of Central-Local Administrative Powers |
| 4.4 Reasonable Demarcation of Central and Local Economic powers |
（2）习近平对外开放思想理论与实践的继承与创新（英文）（论文提纲范文）
| The Theoretical Basis of Xi Jinping’s Ideas on Opening Up |
| Xi Jinping’s Practical Basis for the Opening-up Strategy |
| Opening-up Strategy under the Guidance of the Concept of aHuman Community with a Shared Future |
| BRI Is a Practical Innovation to Promote Opening Up |
| Conclusion |
（3）1980年代以来的市场实施与高等教育治理制度改革：中国与智利的比较研究（论文提纲范文）
| 摘要 |
| abstract |
| INTRODUCTION |
| Ⅰ.Presentation |
| Ⅱ..Problem statement |
| Ⅲ..Literature review |
| 1.The system and its governance in the educational discussion |
| 2.Higher education governance reforms and ideologies |
| 3.New trends on higher education system and their impact on governance systemreforms |
| 4.Research about Higher education governance system reforms in China and Chile |
| Ⅳ.Objectives and contents |
| Ⅴ.Methodology |
| 1.Research support |
| 2.Framework |
| 3.Research description |
| 4.Data collects |
| 5.Data analysis |
| CHAPTER I ORIGINS AND CONTEXT OF HIGHER EDUCATION IN CHINA AND CHILE FOR A STUDY OFGOVERNANCE |
| Ⅰ.Introduction |
| Ⅱ..Higher education in China and Chile:Ancient and modern history |
| 1.Deep and revolutionary changes:higher education and the modernization ofChina |
| 2.Colony and republic:higher education in the history of Chile |
| Ⅲ.A description of the sociodemographic,economic and educational development inChina and Chile |
| 1.Sociodemographic indicators |
| 2.Economic situation |
| 3.Education development |
| Ⅳ.Comparison and analysis |
| CHAPTER Ⅱ THE ARRⅣAL OF THE MARKET:GOVERNANCE REFORMS ON HIGHER EDUCATIONSYSTEM IN CHINA (1978-1993) AND CHILE (1973-1990) |
| Ⅰ.Introduction |
| Ⅱ.The Reform and Opening-up(改革开放)and its consequences on the governancereforms of higher education |
| 1.The emergence of Deng Xiaoping's leadership |
| 2.The1985’s decision |
| 3.The1986-1989’s student movement |
| Ⅲ.Chile:the neoliberal project of the dictatorship |
| 1.Dictatorship first stage(1973-1980) |
| 2.Dictatorship second stage(1980-1990) |
| 3.Institutionalization of the new higher education |
| 4.The decline of the dictatorship |
| Ⅳ.Comparison |
| CHAPTER Ⅲ THE CONSOLIDATION OF TWO APPROACHES TO IMPLEMENT MARKET MECHANISMS:HIGHER EDUCATIONAL SYSTEM REFORMS FROM1990s TO2010 |
| Ⅰ.Introduction |
| Ⅱ.Reforms of Chinese higher educational governance(1990-2010):expansion andquality |
| 1.Reforms of governance through public investment:The211 Project (211 工程)and985 Project (985 工程) |
| 2.New regulations for governance:The Higher Education Act and itsimplementation |
| 3.The effort to create innovation:The tenth Five-Year Plans(2001-2005) |
| 4.Building a harmonious socialist society:The eleventh Five-Year plans(2006-2010) |
| Ⅲ.Governance of Chilean higher education under the Concertación’s governments. |
| 1.Overcome Statism and neoliberalism:The Higher Education Studies Commission |
| 2.The Privatization of Higher Education in the Transition |
| 3.Investments towards higher education:The Word Bank cooperation |
| 4.Symptoms of exhaustion of a government model |
| 5.The first irruption of social actors in the discussion of higher education policies:The Higher Education Advisory Council |
| Ⅳ.Comparison |
| CHAPTER Ⅳ THE CRISIS IN CHILE AND THE INTERNATIONALIZATION OF CHINA:REFORMS OF HIGHEREDUCATIONAL GOVERNANCE SYSTEM FROM2010 UNTIL TODAY |
| Ⅰ.Introduction |
| Ⅱ.China and the Higher Education internationalization |
| 1.More ambitious goals:The Outline of China’s National Plan(2010-2020) |
| 2.Internationalization and equity:The twelfth Fiver-Year Plan(2011-2015) |
| 3.The era of Xi Jinping:The Double World Class Project(双一流) |
| 4.Expand the influence of Chinese culture:The thirteenth Fiver-Years Plan(2016-2020) |
| Ⅲ.Higher Education Crisis in Chile(2010-2020) |
| 1.Right-wing sectors and their program for higher education |
| 2.2011 student protests against market education |
| 3.The Nueva Mayoría’s Higher educational reforms |
| 4.Litigation in the Constitutional Court |
| 5.The characteristic of the crisis |
| Ⅳ.Comparison |
| CHAPTER V GOVERNANCE REFORMS AND THEIR IMPACT ON HIGHER EDUCATION |
| Ⅰ.Introduction |
| Ⅱ.Governance reforms in higher education:lessons based on experiences in Chinaand Chile |
| Ⅲ.General reflections about market’s role on the governance of Higher Education. |
| Ⅳ.Characteristics of the stages of the Chinese higher education system considering itsgovernance reforms(1980-2020) |
| Ⅴ.Characteristics of the stages of the Chilean higher education system considering itsgovernance reforms(1980-2020) |
| Ⅵ.Perspectives and lessons to consider about the governance of higher education |
| CONCLUSIONS |
| BIBLIOGRAPHY |
| Books and papers |
| Chinese Documents |
| Chilean Documents |
| ACKNOWLEDGMENTS |
| RESEARCH RESULTS OBTAINED DURING THE COURSE OF STUDYING FOR THE DEGREE |
| APPENDIX |
| Chronology of higher education governance system reforms in China,1975-2020 |
| Chronology of higher education governance system reforms in Chile,1973-2020 |
（4）中国不断变化的阿富汗对阿富汗政策（2009-2019）（论文提纲范文）
| Acknowledgement |
| Abstract |
| List of Abbreviations |
| 1.Chapter-Background of the Research |
| 1.0 Purpose and Significance of the Research |
| 1.2 Argument |
| 1.3 Research Questions |
| 1.4 Theoretical Framework |
| 1.5 Realism |
| 1.6 The Neo-Realism |
| 1.7 The Neo-Classical Realism |
| 1.8 Why the Research Takes NCR Instead of other Theoretical Perspectives |
| 1.9 Research Methodology |
| 1.10 Research Framework and Thesis Structure |
| 1.11 Literature Review |
| 2.Chapter-China's Evolving Foreign Policy in Afghanistan:History,Stakes,Public welfare Projects |
| 2.1 Afghanistan's Geography and Natural Resources |
| 2.2 Afghanistan's Importance for China |
| 2.3 China's Afghanistan Policy Since 1949 |
| 2.4 China's Afghanistan Policy Since 2001 |
| 2.5 China's Updated Foreign Policy in Afghanistan |
| 2.6 China and the Afghan Peace Process |
| 2.7 The Relevant Actors in the Afghan War |
| 3.Chapter-Role of Internal Factors in Shaping the Chinese Foreign Policy towards Afghanistan |
| 3.1 Changing Perception of Leadership: China Assumes Proactive Approach towards the International System |
| 3.2 The Belt and Road Initiative |
| 3.3 The New Neighborhood Diplomacy: China and Afghanistan Peace |
| 4.Chapter-The External Factors Attributed to the Revised Chinese Foreign Policy towards Afghanistan |
| 4.1 The Withdrawal of the US-led Western Forces |
| 4.2 The New Stance of the Regional Countries towards Afghanistan |
| 4.3 How does India influence the Chinese Foreign Policy towards Afghanistan? |
| 5.Chapter-Conclusion and Recommendations |
| 6.Bibliography |
| 学位论文评阅及答辩情况表 |
（5）基于语料库的中国外交形象演变研究（1949-2018）（论文提纲范文）
| Acknowledgements |
| Abstract |
| 摘要 |
| List of Abbreviations |
| CHAPTER Ⅰ Introduction |
| 1.1 Background |
| 1.2 Research Questions |
| 1.3 Methodology |
| 1.4 Research Procedures |
| 1.5 Organization of the Thesis |
| CHAPTER Ⅱ Literature Review |
| 2.1 Studies on National Image |
| 2.2 Studies on China's Diplomacy and China's Diplomatic Image |
| 2.3 Studies on Diplomatic Discourse |
| 2.4 Summary |
| CHAPTER Ⅲ Literature Review |
| 3.1 Three Dimensional Model for Discourse Analysis |
| 3.2 Framework of National Image Analysis/Construction |
| 3.3 Application of the Proposed Framework |
| CHAPTER Ⅳ KEYWORDS AND CHINA'S DIPLOMATIC IMAGE |
| 4.1 Key Keywords of Chinese Diplomatic Discourse |
| 4.2 Keywords of 1~(st) Period and China's Diplomatic Image |
| 4.3 Keywords of 2~(nd) Period and China's Diplomatic Image |
| 4.4 Keywords of 3~(rd) Period and China's Diplomatic Image |
| 4.5 Discussion:Keywords and China's Diplomatic Image |
| 4.6 Summary |
| CHAPTER Ⅴ HIGH FREQUENCY WORDS AND CHINA'S DIPLOMATIC IMAGE |
| 5.1 High Freq. Words of 1~(st) Period and China's Diplomatic Image |
| 5.2 High Freq. Words of 2~(nd) Period and China's Diplomatic Image |
| 5.3 High Freq. Words of 3~(rd) Period and China's Diplomatic Image |
| 5.4 Discussion:High Freq.Words and China's Diplomatic Image |
| 5.5 Summary |
| CHAPTER Ⅵ Modal Verbs and China's Diplomatic Image |
| 6.1 Application of Modal Verbs in Chinese Diplomatic Discourse |
| 6.2 Modal Verbs of 1~(st)Period and China's Diplomatic Image |
| 6.3 Modal Verbs of 2~(nd) Period and China's Diplomatic Image |
| 6.4 Modal Verbs of 3~(rd) Period and China's Diplomatic Image |
| 6.5 Modal Verbs and China's Diplomatic Image |
| 6.6 Summary |
| CHAPTER Ⅶ WE-CLAUSES AND CHINA'S DIPLOMATIC IMAGE |
| 7.1 Use of We in the Chinese Diplomatic Discourse |
| 7.2 Process Types of We-clauses in the Chinese Diplomatic Discourse |
| 7.3 We-clauses of 1~(st)Period and China's Diplomatic Image |
| 7.4 We-clauses of 2~(nd) Period and China's Diplomatic Image |
| 7.5 We-clauses of 3~(rd) Period and China's Diplomatic Image |
| 7.6 Discussion:We-clauses and China's Diplomatic Image |
| 7.7 Summary |
| CHAPTER Ⅷ Factors Contributing to Evolution of China's Diplomatic Image |
| 8.1 China's Diplomatic Policies |
| 8.2 Nature of Chinese Diplomatic Discourse |
| 8.3 Translation of Chinese Diplomatic Discourse |
| CHAPTER Ⅸ Conclusion |
| 9.1 Major Findings |
| 9.2 Contributions,Implications and Limitations |
| 9.3 Suggestions for Future Studies |
| Bibliography |
| 攻读博士期间取得的主要研究成果 |
（6）显化翻译策略在外宣翻译中的应用 ——以《中国收入分配改革四十年》为例（论文提纲范文）
| 致谢 |
| 摘要 |
| Abstract |
| 引言 |
| 第一章 外宣翻译概述及现状 |
| 一、外宣翻译概述 |
| 二、外宣翻译现状 |
| 第二章 《中国收入分配改革四十年》项目概况 |
| 一、项目简介 |
| 二、外宣文本特点 |
| (一)中国特色词汇和用法 |
| (二)引用典故 |
| (三)中文官方文件的惯用表达 |
| 三、运用显化翻译策略的必要性 |
| 第三章 显化翻译策略在《中国收入分配改革四十年》中的应用 |
| 一、词义信息显化 |
| (一)查证背景信息 |
| (二)适当补充诠释 |
| (三)揭示原文内涵 |
| (四)补充文化含义 |
| 二、语句信息显化 |
| (一)补全语境信息 |
| (二)平衡信息可读性和充足性 |
| 三、语篇信息显化 |
| (一)指示代词显化 |
| (二)译文衔接连贯 |
| 结语 |
| 参考文献 |
| 附录 |
（7）经济类文本名词化结构的英汉翻译 ——《新兴市场大趋势》（节选）翻译实践报告（论文提纲范文）
| ABSTRACT |
| 摘要 |
| LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS |
| 1.TASK DESCRIPTION |
| 1.1 Introduction to the project |
| 1.2 Introduction to the source text and its writer |
| 1.3 Reasons for selecting the source text |
| 2.PROCESS DESCRIPTION |
| 2.1 Pre-translation preparations |
| 2.1.1 Schedule |
| 2.1.2 Parallel texts |
| 2.1.3 Translation Principle |
| 2.2 While-translation |
| 2.3 Post-translation |
| 3.CASE ANALYSIS |
| 3.1 An Overview of Nominalization |
| 3.1.1 Definition and Functions of Nominalization |
| 3.1.2 Classification of VN structure |
| 3.2 Translation of VN Structure |
| 3.2.1 Terminology |
| 3.2.2 Non-terminology |
| 4.CONCLUSION |
| REFERENCES |
| APPENDICES |
| Appendix A |
| Appendix B |
| Appendix C |
| Appendix D |
（8）从释意理论视角分析庆祝中华人民共和国成立70周年大会解说词的口译（论文提纲范文）
| ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS |
| ABSTRACT |
| 摘要 |
| Chapter One INTRODUCTION |
| 1.1 Research Background |
| 1.2 Research Significance |
| 1.2.1 Theoretical significance |
| 1.2.2 Practical significance |
| 1.3 Research Methods |
| 1.4 Thesis Structure |
| Chapter Two LITERATURE REVIEW |
| 2.1 Introduction |
| 2.2 Development of Interpretation |
| 2.3 Development of the Interpretive Theory |
| 2.4 Conference Interpretation |
| 2.5 Summary |
| Chapter Three THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK |
| 3.1 Introduction |
| 3.2 Principles of Interpretation |
| 3.2.1 Principle of faithfulness |
| 3.2.2 Principle of equivalence |
| 3.2.3 Relation and difference |
| 3.3 Formation and Development of the Interpretive Theory |
| 3.4 Overview of the Interpretive Theory |
| 3.4.1 The triangular model of the Interpretive Theory |
| 3.4.1.1 Comprehension |
| 3.4.1.2 Deverbalization |
| 3.4.1.3 Re-expression |
| 3.5 Summary |
| Chapter Four CASE STUDY |
| 4.1 Introduction |
| 4.2 Omission |
| 4.3 Borrowing |
| 4.4 Supplement |
| 4.4.1 Supplement of subject |
| 4.4.2 Supplement of formal subject |
| 4.4.3 Supplement of explanation |
| 4.5 Sentence Pattern Transformation |
| 4.6 Sentence Restructuring |
| 4.7 Summary |
| Chapter Five CONCLUSION |
| 5.1 Introduction |
| 5.2 Conclusion of Research |
| 5.3 Limitation and Suggestion |
| REFERENCES |
| APPENDIX Ⅰ SOURCE TEXT |
| APPENDIX Ⅱ TARGET TEXT |
（9）关于中国马克思主义和中国崛起的再思考 ——一项后殖民评估（论文提纲范文）
| 摘要 |
| Abstract |
| INTRODUCTION |
| BACKGROUND OF THE STUDY |
| RESEARCH QUESTIONS |
| LITERATURE REVIEW |
| (i)Postcolonial Critique and Western Knowledge Production |
| (ii)The Chinese Worldview and Non-Western Perspective |
| (iii)Making Sense of the Rise of China |
| RESEARCH METHODOLOGY |
| CHAPTER1 THE POSTCOLONIAL DISCOURSE EXPLAINED:THE SAIDIAN PHENOMENON |
| 1.1 INTRODUCTION |
| 1.2 UNDERSTANDING ORIENTALISM |
| 1.3 INTERPRETING SINOLOGICAL ORIENTALISM |
| 1.4 INTERPRETING DIGITAL ORIENTALISM |
| 1.5 SUMMARY |
| CHAPTER2 MAO ZEDONG THOUGHT AND CHINESE MARXISM:IN SEARCH OF AN ALTERNATIVEPATH TO MODERNITY IN MAO ERA(1949-76) |
| 2.1 INTRODUCTION |
| 2.2 OVERVIEW OF MARXISM-LENINISM |
| 2.3 OVERVIEW OF CHINESE MARXISM |
| 2.4 UNDERSTANDING MAO’S THEORY OF DIALECTICS |
| a)The Universality of Contradiction: |
| b)The Particularity of Contradiction: |
| c)The Dialectics of Contradiction: |
| 2.5 OVERVIEW OF MAO ZEDONG THOUGHT AND CHINESE POLITICS |
| 2.6 RETHINKING IDEOLOGY BEHIND THE GREAT LEAP FORWARD,AND THE GREAT PROLETARIAT CULTURALREVOLUTION |
| a)The Great Leap Forward(1958-60): |
| b)The Great Proletariat Cultural Revolution(1966-1976): |
| 2.7 SUMMARY |
| CHAPTER3 DENG XIAOPING THEORY AND POST-MAO CONTINUITY(1976-2012):TOWARDS A CHINESE PATH TO SOCIALISM |
| 3.1 INTRODUCTION |
| 3.2 INTERPRETING SOCIALISM WITH CHINESE CHARACTERISTICS |
| 3.3 RELEVANCE OF INSTITUTIONALIZATION OF THE BUREAUCRATIC REFORM |
| 3.4 INTERPRETING JIANG ZEMIN’S THREE REPRESENTS& SPIRITUAL SOCIALIST CIVILIZATION |
| 3.5 INTERPRETING HU JINTAO'S SCIENTIFIC OUTLOOK ON DEVELOPMENT AND HARMONIOUS SOCIALIST SOCIETY |
| 3.6 SUMMARY |
| CHAPTER4 XI JINPING THOUGHT IN THE NEW ERA(2013 ONWARDS) AND THE RISE OF CHINA:CIVILIZATIONAL STATE& NATION-STATE DICHOTOMY |
| 4.1 INTRODUCTION |
| 4.2 INTERPRETING XI JINPING THOUGHT |
| 4.3 CONTEXTUALIZING CIVILIZATION-STATE& NATION-STATE DICHOTOMIES |
| 4.4 UNDERSTANDING CHINA THREAT THESIS IN THE WESTERN DISCOURSE |
| 4.5 SUMMARY |
| CONCLUSION |
| BIBLIOGRAPHY |
| CV AND PUBLICATION LIST |
| ACKNOWLEDGEMENT |
（10）模拟交传中的认知负荷及其解决方案 ——纪录片《四十不惑》口译实践报告（论文提纲范文）
| 中文摘要 |
| Abstract |
| 引言 |
| 第一章 模拟交传的任务简介 |
| （一）任务简介 |
| （二）任务过程 |
| 第二章 认知负荷理论综述 |
| 2.1 吉尔的认知负荷模式理论综述 |
| 2.1.1 认知负荷模式理论核心 |
| 2.1.2 认知负荷模式阶段分析 |
| 2.2 认知负荷理论与口译研究综述 |
| 2.2.1 国外研究综述 |
| 2.2.2 国内研究综述 |
| 第三章 模拟交传中的认知负荷问题 |
| 3.1 专业知识形成的认知负荷 |
| 3.1.1 百科知识繁杂 |
| 3.1.2 生僻名词密集 |
| 3.2 听辨不清形成的认知负荷 |
| 3.2.1 方言听辨不清 |
| 3.2.2 话轮转换频繁 |
| 3.3 字幕提示信息形成的认知负荷 |
| 3.3.1 视听信息不符 |
| 3.3.2 分散听辨精力 |
| 第四章 模拟交传中认知负荷问题的解决方案 |
| 4.1 专业知识的认知负荷解决方案 |
| 4.1.1 译前百科知识预测 |
| 4.1.2 译前生僻名词积累 |
| 4.2 听辨不清的认知负荷解决方案 |
| 4.2.1 译前方言理解训练 |
| 4.2.2 话轮过渡信息填补 |
| 4.3 字幕信息的认知负荷解决方案 |
| 4.3.1 译中修正视听信息 |
| 4.3.2 译中回避干扰信息 |
| 第五章 《四十不惑》口译实践总结 |
| 5.1 译后问题与反思 |
| 5.2 认知负荷模式对交替传译实践的作用 |
| 参考文献 |
| 附录 |
| 附录1 术语表 |
| 附录2 评分表 |
| 附录3 原文与译文 |
| 致谢 |
四、Ｏｎ Ｄｅｎｇ Ｘｉａｏｐｉｎｇ＇ｓ Ｔｈｉｎｋｉｎｇ ｏｆ Ｂｕｉｌｄｉｎｇ Ｓｐｅｃｉａｌ Ｅｃｏｎｏｍｉｃ Ｚｏｎｅｓ（论文参考文献）
- [1]The Centenary of the CPC: Exploration and Improvement of Central-Local Economic Relationship[J]. 周文,刘少阳. China Economist, 2021
- [2]习近平对外开放思想理论与实践的继承与创新（英文）[J]. 仇华飞,孙雪. Contemporary International Relations, 2021(04)
- [3]1980年代以来的市场实施与高等教育治理制度改革：中国与智利的比较研究[D]. José Manuel Morales Valdés. 浙江师范大学, 2021
- [4]中国不断变化的阿富汗对阿富汗政策（2009-2019）[D]. Muhammad Nauman Akhter. 山东大学, 2021(12)
- [5]基于语料库的中国外交形象演变研究（1949-2018）[D]. 田绪军. 上海交通大学, 2020(01)
- [6]显化翻译策略在外宣翻译中的应用 ——以《中国收入分配改革四十年》为例[D]. 何杰一. 上海外国语大学, 2021(04)
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