一、Ｃｈｉｎａ ａｎｄ Ａｓｉａ－Ｐａｃｉｆｉｃ Ｅｃｏｎｏｍｙ ｉｎ ２１ｓｔ Ｃｅｎｔｕｒｙ（论文文献综述）
Peizhong Chen,Yina Zhou[1]（2021）在《The Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank and How China is Financing BRI》文中提出Asian countries and regions have dedicated to the development of international economy and infrastructure establishment,among which China is endeavoring to make contributions and take actions to the sustainable development of international economic system.This article studies the history,current situation,and future prospects of the relationship and projects between the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank（AIIB） and the Belt and Road Initiative under COVID-19.It analyses the projects that the AIIB has participated in the Belt and Road Initiative and evaluates the impact of each country’s policies.It puts forward the construction investment of the Belt and Road Initiative in which some different countries and regions cooperate and participate in.The results enumerates some problems encountered in the development process such as tariff barriers,trade barriers,and political factors,and analyses the corresponding solutions based on this.
谢伏瞻[2]（2021）在《The Centenary of the CPC: Leading the Times by Grasping the Laws and Trends of Historical Development》文中研究说明Discussions on grasping the laws and trends of historical development take a fundamental theoretical position in the scientific system of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era. Xi Jinping’s important statements have systematically answered such questions as what type of laws and trends of historical development should be followed, how did the Party follow the laws and trends of historical development in its centennial history, and how should the laws and trends of historical development be followed in a new era. The birth of the Communist Party of China（CPC）,the victory of China’s War of Resistance against Japanese Aggression, the founding of the People’s Republic of China, and the unveiling of a new era for reform and opening up and socialism with Chinese characteristics are all the results of grasping the laws and trends of historical development. Over the past century, the Party has followed the laws and trends of historical development and continuously advanced the sinicization of Marxism on the basis of adhering to the unification between truth and values. In pursuit of "putting people first,"the Party has courageously been reforming itself and made relentless progress in the great endeavor of Party building. History shows that a keen appreciation of the laws and trends of historical development is an important sign of political maturity for a proletarian party.Only by applying Marxism according to current times and conditions will we keep abreast with the laws and trends of historical development. We should establish a broader concept of history and identify the laws and trends of historical development from the interactions and linkages between China and the rest of the world. We must recognize and promote the outstanding role of great leaders in steering the country in line with the laws and trends of historical development.
曹玮[3]（2021）在《中美战略竞争下的战略第三方选择：基于海量事件数据的中美印、中美俄、中美欧VAR模型分析》文中研究指明随着中美战略竞争的加剧,战略第三方对中美关系和中国外部战略环境的重要性日益凸显。为探究中美战略竞争和美国对战略第三方政策会如何影响战略第三方的对华政策,文章运用VAR模型、脉冲响应函数和预测误差方差分解模型,揭示了中国、美国和三个战略第三方——印度、俄罗斯和欧盟——自2008年以来的动态互动规律。研究发现,随着美国对中国的遏压加剧,印度和俄罗斯对华政策中的冲突性因素可能增加,而欧盟则可能改善对华关系。美国改善与欧盟关系将导致欧盟采取对华疏远的政策,美国对印度的持续示好和拉拢可能会在一定程度上促使印度加强对中国的敌对政策,俄罗斯对华政策则不受美国对俄罗斯政策的影响。根据上述发现,如果中美战略竞争持续和加剧,中俄关系中的不稳定因素可能显现,甚至可能出现印俄两国同时对中国构成挑战的被动局面,欧盟则可能成为缓解中国外部战略压力的重要突破口。
魏玲[4]（2021）在《大变局下的中国与国际发展合作（英文）》文中指出International development cooperation is an important channel and focal point for China to interact with the world and shape the global order. Amid the rise of the global South, China has introduced its own development experience into the realm of international development cooperation, and is committed to building a new type of development partnership based on equality and mutually beneficial cooperation, and playing a positive role in facilitating an improved global system of international development cooperation and development-security interaction.
Noor Mohammad Sarker[5]（2021）在《后冷战时代小国在国际政治中的角色演变 ——孟加拉国和新加坡的案例研究》文中研究指明What explains small states’ evolving role in the post-Cold War international politics?This dissertation answers this question by analyzing the key factors behind the rising significance of small states in both regional and global institutions.It also examines the linkages among these factors and theoretically explains their contributions as well as limitations.By employing the qualitative method of social research and the case study design,the dissertation tastes the hypothesis that,the development of the practices of rules,norms and institutions in the post-Cold War international relations as well as the corresponding geostrategic as well as geoeconomic significance of Bangladesh and Singapore have been contributing to their evolving role as small states in the contemporary international politicsThe existing literature on the role of small states represent the conventional wisdom that,the transition of world politics from unipolarity to multipolarity,the spread of globalization,and the rise of transnational connectivity remain some of the major contributing forces to the progress of global and regional institutions in the post-Cold War era,which have brought qualitative developments to the contemporary world politics and granted small states to enjoy a greater foreign policy autonomy as well as to grasp larger opportunities for strengthening their national developments.While supporting this conventional wisdom,the findings of the study establish an additional argument that,significant geopolitical locations and geoeconomic characteristics often place some small states in a better position for playing an efficient role in global and regional institutions,and thereby extracting larger benefits from the evolving structure of world politics.The findings of the dissertation also point out that,small states’ activism in regional organizations somewhat provides impetus for their rising significance in global institutions.The case studies of Bangladesh and Singapore,as explanatory variables,provide the utility of the core arguments offered by the study.With numerous examples,the dissertation shows that,the post-Cold War international political structure has been favorable to Bangladesh and Singapore in employing their geopolitical and geoeconomic advantages with regard to play more efficient role in global and regional organizations.
Pamir Gautam[6]（2020）在《Rising China’s Policy Towards South Asia:From Limited Interactions to Proactive Engagement》文中提出The conduct and content of China’s foreign policy towards South Asia has undergone a remarkable transformation over the last few decades.From being a relatively marginal player in South Asian regional affairs,China today is proactively engaged in South Asia.China’s increasingly sophisticated regional policies are driven by multiple factors,including the United States rising interests and efforts in developing a strategic relationship with India in response to China’s continued rise as an economic,political and military power;China’s own need to maintain the momentum of its economic growth;and for ensuring development and stability in its western regions,all necessary components for achieving the Chinese dream of National rejuvenation.In the pursuit of China’s ’national interest,’ in the region,I argue that the current diplomatic practice of the PRC has highly prioritized the notion of reassurance and cooperative engagement to ensure stable and peaceful regional environment by increasing interaction and interdependence between and amongst regional states in South Asia.The goal of this strategy is to create a situation in which states would not feel threatened by China rise to make counter preparations that could exacerbate the security dilemma.Therefore,reassurance and mutual cooperation offer a high level of policy coordination,close communication and diplomatic synchronization.In doing so China has employed and promoted both bilateral as well as multilateral diplomacy in its dealing with South Asian states.
MEHRAN IDRIS KHAN[7]（2020）在《中巴环境法比较研究 ——执法与未来路径》文中研究表明该研究概述了国内环境法和国际环境法的含义,特别着重于比较中国和巴基斯坦的发展状况,环境条件,立法,政策含义或执行机制。该研究讨论了有关国际或区域法律文书以及区域或全球环境问题。该研究方法采用定性方法来比较两国的环境法律及其关键要素,以促进其实施并实现今世后代可持续性地利用环境。该研究指出该地区国际、跨界和区域环境法的制定和实施在国家或地区之间差异很大。这些差异是由于每个区域集团内不同的经济环境,政治历史,文化态度和殖民影响所致。其反映了法律和政策方法的碎片化,致使该区域的环境法律和政策制度仍然不完整,并且鉴于环境无边界以及共同的责任,需要明确共同的生态目标。相比之下,美国-加拿大-墨西哥、挪威和比利时等世界其他地区在环境事务上彼此之间具有法律合作,例如通过将环境问题纳入其贸易协定以保持区域环境清洁和可持续。中国巴基斯坦经济走廊（CPEC）之下的大型基础设施和工业发展很可能会对巴基斯坦的环境产生全面影响,并且也可能以与该地区先前烟雾问题相同的方式影响中国。两国有必要突然开展法律合作,共同应对这些环境挑战。在这种情况下,作为邻国,中国和巴基斯坦有诸如CPEC的大型联合开发项目,因此有必要将保护环境作为共同的责任,以实现共同的生态目标。该研究旨在找出两国环境法律和政策的相对优势。通过了解环境政策的形成或含义,分析以前实践中的经验教训,并分析或讨论包括环境问题、导致环境管理问题的因素以及理解实施更好解决方案的障碍。研究结果有助于了解两国环境立法的政治或法律结构,并有助于解决与环境法实施和执行有关的问题,例如实施不力。该研究以有关环境的司法、社会、立法、行政和教育措施作为结论,随后提出了在两国有效实施环境法律和政策的适当建议。该研究还得出结论,尽管政府部门被赋予了更多的裁量权对违反环境规则者采取法律行动,但两国执法机构之间的效率差距是不可忽略的。建议加强环境税网,并在税网中考虑二氧化碳排放量因素。该研究还建议建立环境非政府组织,建立专门的环境部门、法院和法庭,在两国大学中开展交流计划,转让技术,例如生产可再生和清洁能源的技术,并从以下领域汲取经验:成功的法律影响和法律移植,环境律师的双边交流,改善环境知识以提高对污染的认知,加强公众参与以及环境公益诉讼,制定统一的商业法规并将环境方面作为基本理解贸易协定并将其转换为“优惠”贸易协定,为CPEC等联合大型项目开发具有气候适应力的基础设施,提高国内、区域和国际环境法、协定和条约之间的一致性,为监测、规划或管理以及影响评估活动而制定环境或气候变化政策以应对共同面临的环境（国内和跨界）挑战。
焦海燕[8]（2020）在《保罗·基廷的亚洲思维及其对澳亚关系的影响》文中研究指明本文的研究对象是澳大利亚前总理基廷的亚洲1思维及其对澳亚外交关系的影响。在准确归纳基廷亚洲思维的内涵及特征的基础上,结合澳大利亚国内民众对基廷亚洲思维的评价和再思考,认为基廷亚洲思维是冷战结束后的新时代背景中最大程度实现澳大利亚国家利益的产物,后基廷时代的各届政府无论是被动延续还是主动继承,基本上都没有背弃基廷亚洲思维的核心精神,即通过融入亚洲来实现澳洲自身利益的最大化。这种共融、共同享有亚太地区、不具有排他性的新亚洲思维,持续不断地与保守派所固守的过时、守旧、过分强调英美情节的旧亚洲思维进行碰撞。这两种外交理念的交融冲突,具有长期性,并因此会使近20年来澳亚关系呈现一种错综复杂的表象。然而,由表及里,仍然有理由相信,从各方面积极融入亚洲成为澳大利亚历届政府必须遵循的客观趋向,基廷的亚洲思维将会持续地积极影响澳大利亚的对亚外交,并将指引澳大利亚在与亚交往道路上及时校准方向,以期渐渐迈向双赢。基廷亚洲思维聚焦于澳大利亚的国家身份和国家利益两大方面的思考。关于澳大利亚的国家身份,基廷清晰地指出了澳大利亚就是澳大利亚这一命题,即澳大利亚不是西方国家在亚洲的代理国,也不是亚洲国家,这就突出了基廷立足澳大利亚自身的历史、文化、价值观和地理位置来定义澳大利亚国家身份的立场。澳大利亚融入亚洲的过程,不但体现了对这种身份定位的追求,而且也是明确这一身份的有效途径。倡导多边框架下的亚太地区合作化理念,并强调澳大利亚在地区化合作组织中的重要作用,是基廷更侧重澳大利亚自身特点来思考澳大利亚身份定位的重要体现。此外,“共和”思想也是基廷亚洲思维中涉及澳大利亚国家身份问题的一个重要组成部分,基廷认为共和制不但没有颠覆澳大利亚价值观和民主,反而能为澳大利亚在国际上赢得更多的信任,这符合澳大利亚独立外交的政治诉求,也能更好地服务于澳大利亚全面融入亚洲的外交战略。在国家利益方面,基廷亚洲思维涉及了经济、政治和安全领域。尽管基廷的亚洲思维并非仅限经济方面,可让澳大利亚在经济上受益却也是最为关切的问题之一。政治上,基廷亚洲思维旨在提升澳大利亚的地区和国际影响力。该政治诉求希望澳大利亚能积极参与亚太地区的政治安全议题,让澳大利亚独立的外交声音得到重视,并借此在亚洲寻求安全。为此,基廷认为澳大利亚在对未来具有决定性意义的亚太地区组织中,应擅于发挥澳大利亚自身的纽带优势,以实现该政治诉求。由上可知,基廷的亚洲思维体现了基廷在澳大利亚历史文化和地理之间寻求平衡的现实思考。旧亚洲思维的守旧、过时,是基廷亚洲思维产生的内因。澳大利亚地理位置独特,地处南半球,虽远隔辽阔的太平洋,但早在19世纪初就已与亚洲接触。从历史文化上讲,澳大利亚植根于西方;但从地理上讲,却是亚洲的近邻。长期以来,地理和历史文化的不对称性,导致澳大利亚对亚外交理念的内在冲突,一方面在经济领域期望依靠亚洲致富,另一方面又在军事、政治领域疏远亚洲,依赖英美以维持自身安全和自以为是的优越感,澳大利亚这种充满悖论色彩的亚洲观,使得澳亚关系陷入进退两难的尴尬境地。由此,基廷的新亚洲思维应运而出。它不仅体现了澳大利亚政治精英对澳亚关系的新思考,同时也显示了地缘利益相对于历史文化来说,在澳大利亚外交理念中逐渐占据主导地位。冷战结束的新时代背景,是基廷亚洲思维产生的外因。冷战结束后,不同政治制度、不同区域集团的军事政治冲突,得到很大缓解,经济利益成为各国外交愈益重要的考量。同时,经济全球化的纽带以及亚洲经济的崛起,也让地理上更加接近亚洲的澳大利亚重新思考新时代的澳亚关系。基廷新亚洲思维,即是立足于新时代澳大利亚自身在经济、政治、外交方面的诉求,对澳亚关系重新调整的一次新尝试,力求从各方面都能融入亚洲,以更好地实现本国利益。基廷亚洲思维是冷战后澳大利亚对亚外交理念的新尝试,全面而现实地考虑了新时代澳大利亚的现实利益以及澳亚历史发展水平的不平衡性,通过务实的举措,在经济、政治、安全和文化领域全面融入亚洲,呈现出开放、多边、地区性、积极和不具排他性的特征。基廷亚洲思维的突出创新,是对澳大利亚同为亚太诸国身份问题的回答,借此解决传统对亚理念的悖论色彩,给澳大利亚新时代的对亚外交注入活力,以更好地在经济、政治、安全和文化领域全面融入亚洲,而其终极目标,仍是后冷战时代澳大利亚国家利益的实现。基廷亚洲思维在地缘政治方面,希望澳大利亚能立足于亚太地区,并被认可为亚太地区一个重要的成员,就全球和地区事务发出自己的多方面诉求。经济方面,希望澳大利亚能致力于抓住亚洲经济发展的机遇,特别是东北亚经济发展的快车,与其形成新的经济互补,以便可以突破国内的经济困境。文化价值观方面,认为澳大利亚与亚洲的文化和价值观并非对立,尽管两者存在差异,但并不是不可跨越的鸿沟。基廷亚洲思维在实施过程中,难免受到澳大利亚失衡的传统亚洲观的挑战。该传统亚洲观过分强调历史和文化价值,忽略地理位置和现实利益,在澳大利亚现实外交中已显现落伍的一面。但这种源于历史文化的传统亚洲观,在澳大利亚国内仍具有较强的生命力,它的强大惯性,使得澳大利亚新、旧亚洲思维的碰撞不断,但在现实的澳大利亚利益面前,新亚洲思维越来越被认可和充实,并在澳大利亚外交理念中延续下来。基廷亚洲思维的这种连续性和丰富发展,在基廷1996年以后的言论中得到了鲜明的体现,相关论题涉及到澳大利亚自身文化的保持,全球化,新亚洲观,新经济互补,地区化,澳大利亚的安全和防务,澳大利亚国家身份,对中国崛起的态度,以及自我评价等方面。基廷撬动澳大利亚外交的新亚洲思维,被后基廷时代的澳大利亚历届政府继续探索和尝试。霍华德执政11年的对亚政策表现为怀旧和对基廷亚洲思维的适度调整,陆克文和杰拉德政府的对亚政策是以模糊和探索为特征,但可以肯定的是,他们认为通过融入亚洲来实现澳大利亚国家利益这一外交思想的正确性是毋容置疑的。艾伯特和特恩布尔政府的对亚政策,特别是特恩布尔政府错误地解读了基廷有关更加独立的政治诉求时,表面上看,似乎在澳大利亚融入亚洲的过程中迷失了方向。这种消极而挑衅性的态度展示了澳大利亚的防御性和警惕性,给人的印象是特恩布尔政府未能正确、理性地处理那些随着融入亚洲政策的不断深入而必然产生的一系列具体问题。但是,特恩布尔政府在对亚具体问题上的非理性举措,仍是建立在积极融入亚洲的外交策略的基础上,并因实际偏离了澳大利亚的国家利益而不断调整。换言之,不论是澳亚关系的和谐还是局部具体问题的摩擦,都是对基廷新亚洲思维的一种继承,某段时期某些具体问题的外交分歧,并没有改变历届政府积极融入亚洲的外交策略来实现澳大利亚国家利益的初衷,他们立足亚太的外交出发点以及借融入亚洲以谋取国家利益的外交目标仍然一致。而这一点恰恰体现出基廷亚洲思维的本质内涵。换言之,融入亚洲的外交策略已成为两党默许的对亚政策。基廷亚洲思维在澳大利亚不同群体中的反响不一。以斯蒂芬·菲茨杰拉德为代表的政客认为,基廷亚洲思维正在扭转澳大利亚国民的心理;澳大利亚学界对基廷亚洲思维给予了更多的信任和肯定;相对来说,民众的反馈却要复杂的多。上世纪90年代,基廷亚洲思维被认为太过遥远甚至难以企及,但随着时代变迁,澳大利亚民众的亚洲观在基廷亚洲思维的影响下,还是发生了巨变。从千禧年至今,对于大多数的澳大利亚民众来说,基廷亚洲思维已经不再是那么的缥缈或激进。但同时不可忽视的是,这并不能表明基廷亚洲思维在民众中已成为主流。总的来说,澳大利亚民众对基廷的亚洲思维持观望态度。基于上述讨论、对比和分析后可以发现:首先,澳洲积极融入亚洲的外交政策,不仅仅为了追求经济利益,另外一个更重要的因素,即澳洲自身的政治诉求,希望在政治上能在亚洲有自己的一席之地。这是基廷和澳大利亚后续政府有关后冷战时代对亚外交的重要基石和明显特征。该特征在90年代初表现得较为隐晦,但随着融入亚洲的不断深入,澳大利亚在政治上的诉求表现得越来越强烈。2008年以后,澳大利亚对亚洲事务频频发声,虽然有时在对华态度上不太和谐,这种不和谐的发声也未必是澳大利亚真正的声音,但这种迫切表现自己立场的政治表现,与其在亚洲积极谋求举足轻重的政治角色的意图相吻合。其次,基廷新亚洲思维框架下的澳大利亚外交,正从传统亚洲观笼罩下的地缘经济与地缘政治的分离,渐渐走向两者的统一。在此过程中,不得不指出的是,澳大利亚把自身因为积极推行融入亚洲政策所产生的一些不可避免的社会问题归咎于亚洲的逻辑实在太牵强,毫无疑问,这种居高临下的不公逻辑,本意并非对基廷新亚洲思维的背叛,但实际上对积极融入亚洲的策略和澳亚关系的健康发展不利,澳大利亚这种“甩锅”的逻辑和行为,也是目前澳亚关系波折不断的重要成因。再次,关于基廷亚洲思维的叙事和理解不能脱离时代大背景。把基廷亚洲思维放入时代大背景下来解读,可以很清楚地看到,后基廷时代澳大利亚历届政府的对亚外交政策没有偏离基廷亚洲思维的本质内涵。虽然这期间澳亚关系出现了一些波折,特别是2017年以来,澳大利亚政府在对华外交上表现出来的“锋芒”让人很容易有这样的直观感受,澳大利亚政府在对亚外交特别是对华外交上走回头路。但是,直觉使然的判断往往受到了表象的干扰,对亚外交的表面“锋芒”,恰恰揭示了其内心渴望在亚洲事务有更多政治发声的意图,或许这种意图对澳亚关系特别是澳华关系略有伤害,但其本意仍是在亚太事务上谋取更多的存在感和融入感,而非对基廷亚洲思维的背叛。在基廷新亚洲思维的影响下,澳大利亚政府为了实现国家利益、探寻新时代的澳亚关系而积极探索,面对日益变化的周边环境摸着石头过河也好,为了凸显自身的亚太地区角色而无中生有也罢,这都是冷战后澳大利亚适应新亚洲思维而在具体政策中反复磨合的必然阶段。基廷积极融入亚洲的外交理念已然无可争议地成为澳大利亚两党默认的外交政策。在新亚洲思维的指导下,澳大利亚对亚具体外交措施或有反复磨合,甚至因为不合理的言行而伤害澳亚特别是澳华关系,但磨合、反复后的最佳相处之道,将会使澳亚关系逐步地迈向共赢。
Temirtay Toktassynov[9]（2020）在《大国竞争背景下美中俄在里海地区的能源外交（1991-2019）》文中进行了进一步梳理在新的21世纪之交,里海国家,特别是石油和天然气储量丰富的哈萨克斯坦、土库曼斯坦和阿塞拜疆,已成为重要的能源储备中心,并成为俄罗斯、中国和美国之间日益激烈的“大国竞争”的舞台。为了以务实的方式争夺这些巨大资源,大国发现越来越有必要用意识形态价值来证明他们的野心。因此,美国带来了自由民主和人权的纲领;中国摆出了一个“非意识形态的”负责任的国家的姿态,俄罗斯则提出了在该地区推行欧亚主义的想法。目前的研究工作分析了这三个大国的努力和模式,并审视了他们的意识形态价值观和能源利益之间的相互作用。尽管该地区对美国、中国和俄罗斯“意识形态”的接受程度各不相同,但它们在能源领域的渗透是深刻而重要的。美国不仅为自己获得了哈萨克斯坦和阿塞拜疆石油和天然气的持续供应,而且使能源能够流向欧盟和以色列等盟国。尽管中国是后来者,但它成功地收购了哈萨克斯坦四分之一的石油,并取代俄罗斯成为土库曼天然气的主要买家。俄罗斯拥有哈萨克斯坦、土库曼和阿塞拜疆石油和天然气工业的大量股份,能够保留影响里海地区主要能源决策的权力。
Rakhimzhanova Dinara[10]（2020）在《中哈战略伙伴关系与双边经济合作》文中进行了进一步梳理在当今这个全球化不断深入的世纪,国际经济体系作为全球化的前沿,转型显得尤为重要。21世纪中国与哈萨克斯坦都是经济飞速发展的国家,具有巨大的经济增长潜力。本文从地缘政治的视角出发,考察了中国与哈萨克斯坦的双边关系。值得注意的是,双边关系从中国新疆的边境贸易关系上升到到“一带一路”战略伙伴关系,使中哈两国都从中受益。在经济领域,位于中亚的哈萨克斯坦对中国的战略重要性日益彰显。维护区域安全对双方的经济发展都十分重要。对哈萨克斯坦来说,与中国合作的一个明显优势就是哈萨克斯坦能够作为沟通中国与西方世界的枢纽,与世界建立起国际贸易大动脉的运输和物流联系。
二、Ｃｈｉｎａ ａｎｄ Ａｓｉａ－Ｐａｃｉｆｉｃ Ｅｃｏｎｏｍｙ ｉｎ ２１ｓｔ Ｃｅｎｔｕｒｙ（论文开题报告）
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三、Ｃｈｉｎａ ａｎｄ Ａｓｉａ－Ｐａｃｉｆｉｃ Ｅｃｏｎｏｍｙ ｉｎ ２１ｓｔ Ｃｅｎｔｕｒｙ（论文提纲范文）
（1）The Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank and How China is Financing BRI（论文提纲范文）
| 1. Introduction |
| 1.1 Background |
| 1.2 Related Research |
| 1.3 Objective |
| 2. Roles of Participants |
| 3. Policies |
| 3.1 Chinese Internal Policies |
| 3.2 Chinese International Projects |
| 4. Problems and solutions |
| 4.1 Problems of BRI |
| 4.1.1 Lack of Attraction to Private Capital |
| 4.1.2 Tariff Barriers |
| 4.2 China’s Solutions |
| 4.2.1 Use the PPP Model to Introduce Private Capital |
| 4.2.2 Giving Full Play to the Role of AIIB |
| 5. Conclusion |
（2）The Centenary of the CPC: Leading the Times by Grasping the Laws and Trends of Historical Development（论文提纲范文）
| 1. Grasping the Laws and Trends of Historical Development |
| 2. Grasping the Laws and Trends of Historical Development amid the Uni?cation Between Truth and Values |
| 2.1 Seeking Truth and Advancing the Sinicization of Marxism |
| 2.2 Stay True to Founding Aspirations and Following the Pursuit of“Putting People First” |
| 2.3 Taking Courage to Reform Itself and Advancing the Great Project of Party Building |
| 3. Exploring the Future in Line with the Laws and Trends of Historical Development |
（3）中美战略竞争下的战略第三方选择：基于海量事件数据的中美印、中美俄、中美欧VAR模型分析（论文提纲范文）
| 一、导 论 |
| (一)战略第三方的重要性 |
| (二)战略第三方的外延 |
| (三)研究方法与结构安排 |
| 二、文献回顾 |
| (一)中美战略竞争加剧趋势下战略第三方对华政策 |
| 1.印度 |
| 2.俄罗斯 |
| 3.欧盟 |
| (二)美国对战略第三方政策对战略第三方对华政策的影响 |
| 1.印度 |
| 2.俄罗斯 |
| 3.欧盟 |
| 三、统计模型 |
| (一)中美印三方的VAR模型结果分析 |
| 1.脉冲响应函数分析 |
| 2.方差分解模型分析 |
| (二)中美俄三方的VAR模型结果分析 |
| 1.脉冲响应函数分析 |
| 2.方差分解模型分析 |
| (三)中美欧三方的VAR模型结果分析 |
| 1.脉冲响应函数分析 |
| 2.方差分解模型分析 |
| 四、研究发现与分析 |
| (一)印度 |
| (二)俄罗斯 |
| (三)欧盟 |
| (四)总体认识 |
| 五、结 论 |
（4）大变局下的中国与国际发展合作（英文）（论文提纲范文）
| Aid and Cooperation |
| Equality,partnership,and international development |
| China,South-South cooperation and international development |
| Knowledge and Paradigm |
| China and new development knowledge |
| China and an alternative development paradigm |
| Institutions and Practices |
| AIIB and innovation of the international development system |
| The Belt and Road Initiative and innovation in the practice of international development |
| Security and Order |
| Research on development-security nexus and China’s practice |
| From development cooperation to developmental peace |
| Conclusion |
（5）后冷战时代小国在国际政治中的角色演变 ——孟加拉国和新加坡的案例研究（论文提纲范文）
| Abstract |
| Acknowledgements |
| Abbreviations and Acronyms |
| Chapter 1:Introduction |
| 1.1.Background |
| 1.2.Literature Review |
| 1.2.1.Small States in the Post-Cold War International Politics |
| 1.2.2.Global Institutions and Small States |
| 1.2.3.Regional Organizations and Small States |
| 1.2.4.Bangladesh as a Small State: Status and Contributions |
| 1.2.5.Singapore as a Small State:Status and Contributions |
| 1.3.Gaps in the Existing Literatures |
| 1.4.Research Questions |
| 1.4.1.Central Research Question |
| 1.4.2.Secondary Research Questions |
| 1.5.Statement of Hypothesis |
| 1.6.Variables of the Study |
| 1.7.Relationship among the Variables |
| 1.8.Research Objectives |
| 1.9.Research Design |
| 1.9.1.Methodology of the Study |
| 1.9.2.Data Collection Techniques |
| 1.9.3.Approach of Data Analysis and Presentation |
| 1.10.Limitations of the Study |
| 1.11.Organization of the Dissertation |
| Chapter 2:Conceptual and Theoretical Frameworks |
| 2.1.Conceptual Tools |
| 2.1.1.Small State |
| 2.1.2.International Institution: Global and Regional |
| 2.1.3.Region, Regionalism and Regional Organization |
| 2.1.4.Geopolitics |
| 2.1.5.Geoeconomics |
| 2.2. Theoretical Frameworks |
| 2.2.1.Neo-realism |
| 2.2.2.Neoliberal Institutionalism |
| Chapter 3:Historical Account of International Politics and the Role of Small States: From the Cold War to the Post-Cold War Developments |
| 3.1.Expansion of Global Institutions |
| 3.2.Progress of Regional Organizations |
| 3.3.Evolving Role of Small States |
| Chapter 4:Significance of Geopolitical and Geoeconomic attributes of Small States in the Light of the Post-Cold War Developments of International Politics |
| 4.1.Significance of Geopolitical and Geoeconomic Factors for Small States |
| 4.2.Bangladesh as a Small State and its Foreign Policy Principles |
| 4.3.Geopolitical and Geoeconomic Significance of Bangladesh |
| 4.3.1.Geographical Characteristics of Bangladesh |
| 4.3.2.Geopolitical Significance of Bangladesh |
| 4.3.3.Geoeconomic Significance of Bangladesh |
| 4.4.Inputs of Bangladesh' Geopolitical and Geoeconomic Attributes to its Foreign Policy |
| 4.5.Singapore as a Small State and its Foreign Policy Principles |
| 4.6.Geopolitical and Geoeconomic Significance of Singapore |
| 4.6.1.Geographical Characteristics of Singapore |
| 4.6.2.Geopolitical Significance of Singapore |
| 4.6.3.Geoeconomic Significance of Singapore |
| 4.7.Inputs of Singapore's Geopolitical and Geoeconomic Attributes to its Foreign Policy |
| Chapter 5:Significance of Global Institutions for Small States in the Post-Cold War Era |
| 5.1.Significance of Global Institutions for Small States |
| 5.2.The Case Study of Bangladesh |
| 5.3.The Case Study of Singapore |
| Chapter 6:Significance of Regional Organizations for Small States in the Post-Cold War Era |
| 6.1.Significance of Regional Organizations for Small States |
| 6.2.Bangladesh in SAARC: A Small State's Imperative |
| 6.3.Singapore in ASEAN: A Small State's Champion |
| Chapter 7:Major Findings of the Study |
| Chapter 8:Conclusion and Implications of the Study |
| APPENDIX1 AREA,POPULATION,GDP AND MILITARY EXPENDITURE BY COUNTRY IM SOUTH ASIA |
| APPENDIX2 AREA,POPULATION,GDP AND MILITARY EXPENDITURE BY COUNTRY IN SOUTHEAST ASIA |
| APPENDIX3 REGIONAL ORGANIZATIONS(1945-2010) |
| References |
| 学位论文评阅及答辩情况表 |
（6）Rising China’s Policy Towards South Asia:From Limited Interactions to Proactive Engagement（论文提纲范文）
| Abstract |
| Acknowledgements |
| List of Abbreviations |
| Chapter 1 Introduction |
| 1.1 Background |
| 1.2 Purpose and Significance of the Research |
| 1.3 Research Puzzle |
| 1.4 Research Questions |
| 1.5 Hypothesis |
| 1.6 Research Methodology |
| 1.7 Limitations of the Study |
| 1.8 Organization of the Dissertation |
| Chapter 2 International Relations, Rising Power, and Chinesestrategy to Manage its Rise |
| 2.1 Introduction |
| 2.2 The Implications of China Rise |
| 2.2.1 The Realists Pessimism about China Rise |
| 2.2.2 China Rise not a Zero Sum Game-the institutionalists and Interdependenceschool |
| 2.2.3 Constructivists |
| 2.3 Analytical eclecticism to understand China's Foreign Policy |
| 2.4 US Response to China Rise:From China Threat to China Assertive |
| 2.5 Chinese strategy to Manage its Rise as a Global Power |
| Chapter 3 China's South Asia Policy until the end of 20~(th) Century |
| 3.1 China-South Asia Relations in the early years of the PRC |
| 3.2 The South Asian Regional Politics and China in the post-1962 period |
| 3.3 The Indo-Pakistan War of 1971,creation of Bangladesh and China's Role |
| 3.4 Soviet intervention in Afghanistan and its implications on China's South AsiaPolicy |
| 3.5 The Rise of Deng Xiaoping and the Sino-India Rapprochement |
| 3.6 India's Nuclear Test and Chinese Response |
| Chapter 4 Changing Dynamics of China-South Asia Relationsin the New Millennium |
| 4.1 Introduction |
| 4.2 China's Interests in South Asia |
| 4.2.1 Economic Interest: Market, Investment and Connectivity |
| 4.2.2 Security Interest: Internal and External |
| 4.3 China's Strategy toward a Rising India |
| 4.4 China's Relations with other countries in the region |
| 4.5 China's Relations with other small States in South Asia |
| 4.5.1 China and Bangladesh |
| 4.5.2 China and Nepal |
| 4.5.3 China's Relations with Sri Lanka |
| Chapter 5 China's Multilateral Engagement with South Asia |
| 5.1 Introduction |
| 5.2 China's Experience with Multilateral Diplomacy |
| 5.3 China's 'Regionalism Foreign policy'in South Asia |
| 5.3.1 China and South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) |
| 5.3.2 China and South Asia in the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) |
| 5.3.3 China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and South Asia |
| 5.3.4 The Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) and South Asia |
| Chapter 6 Conclusion |
| 6.1 Evaluating the findings of the Study |
| 6.2 Challenges to China's South Asia Relations |
| 6.3 China's Policy option towards South Asia |
| References |
（7）中巴环境法比较研究 ——执法与未来路径（论文提纲范文）
| CHINESE ABSTRACT |
| ABSTRACT |
| CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION |
| 1.1. Background of the Study |
| 1.2. Why Compare Environmental Laws of Pakistan and China? |
| 1.3. Hypothesis |
| 1.4. Research Problem |
| 1.5. Research Question (s) |
| 1.6. Aims and Objectives of the Study |
| 1.7. Research Methodology |
| 1.8. The Significance and Scope of the Study |
| 1.9. Outline of the Thesis |
| CHAPTER 2 LITERATURE REVIEW AND ANALYTICAL FRAMEWORK |
| 2.1. The Environment Law and International Law |
| 2.2. Environmental Policies and Criteria for its Evaluation |
| 2.3. The Development of International and Regional Environmental Laws |
| 2.4. Enforcement Mechanisms of Environmental Laws |
| 2.4.1. Enforcement Mechanism and its Different Kinds |
| 2.4.2. The United Nations and Enforcement Mechanisms |
| 2.4.3. Environmental Law and Enforcement Mechanisms |
| 2.4.4. Environmental Mechanisms and Policies in Pakistan |
| 2.4.5. China's Environmental Policies and Mechanisms |
| 2.5. Legal Challenges in Enforcing Environmental Laws Across the Boarders |
| 2.5.1. Transboundary Environmental Harm and Cluster-litigation |
| 2.5.2. Access to Domestic and Human Rights Courts |
| 2.5.3. Forums of Inter-state Claims |
| 2.5.4. Non-Judicial Fora |
| 2.5.5. Limited Scope of the Applicable Law |
| 2.6. A Need for Regional Legal Cooperation in Environmental Issus |
| 2.6.1. A Reference from other Regional Cooperation in Environmental Matters |
| 2.6.2. International Trade, International Law, and Environmental Concerns |
| 2.6.3. Legal Grounds of Bilateral Cooperation Concerning TransboundaryEnvironmental Issues |
| 2.6.4. Establishing a Close Connection between Environmental Protection and Trade |
| 2.6.5. Building National, Regional and Global Environmental Networks |
| 2.7. Conclusion |
| CHAPTER 3 ENVIRONMENTAL CHALLENGES AND CURRENT PRACTICES INPAKISTAN |
| 3.1. Introduction |
| 3.2. Key Environmental Challenges and their Impacts in Pakistan |
| 3.2.1. An Era of Environmental Unawareness |
| 3.2.2. Issues Concerning Water Resources and Pollution |
| 3.2.3. Energy Issues and Current Situation in Pakistan |
| 3.2.4. Pollution and Waste Management |
| 3.2.5. Biodiversity and Natural Resource Management |
| 3.2.6. Transboundary Environmental Issues |
| 3.2.7. Climate Change and Variability |
| 3.2.8. EIA and Challenges Faced by Legal Consultants in Pakistan |
| 3.2.9. Climate Change Effects on Key Sectors of Pakistan |
| 3.3. National Environmental Priorities for Action in Pakistan |
| 3.3.1. Past Environmental Records |
| 3.3.2. Environment-Related Information Needs |
| 3.3.3. Key Environment(al) (Performance) Indicators |
| 3.3.4. Capacity Building for the Environment |
| 3.3.5. Social Action Project on Environment; Environmental Awareness andEducation |
| 3.3.6. Billion Tree Tsunami Afforestation Project in Pakistan |
| 3.4. Environmental Policy, Legislative, and Institutional Frameworks in Pakistan |
| 3.4.1. Environmental Management Policies in Pakistan |
| 3.4.2. Establishment of Environmental Tribunals, Green Benches, and SustainableDevelopment Fund in Pakistan |
| 3.4.3. EIA in Pakistan |
| 3.4.4. Carbon Emissions Scheme in Pakistan |
| 3.5. Recommendations to Implement Environmental Policies More Efficiently |
| 3.5.1. Enhance and Facilitate the Environmental Education |
| 3.5.2. Provision of Basic Sanitation and Access to Clean Water for All |
| 3.5.3. Consider Energy Efficiency as Pivot of NEP |
| 3.5.4. Monitoring Urban Air Pollution |
| 3.5.5. Public-private Partnerships for Cleaner Production |
| 3.5.6. Emission Control and Trading Scheme |
| 3.5.7. Transboundary Environment Management |
| 3.6. Conclusion |
| CHAPTER 4 ENVIRONMENTAL CHALLENGES AND CURRENT PRACTICES INCHINA |
| 4.1. Introduction |
| 4.2. Effects and Limitations of Environmental Challenges in China |
| 4.2.1. History of Environmental Pollution in China |
| 4.2.2. China's Environmental Health Challenges |
| 4.2.3. Impacts of Air Pollution in China |
| 4.2.4. Limitation of the Study of China's Environmental Regulatory System |
| 4.3. How Does China Treat Emissions? |
| 4.3.1. Emissions Targets |
| 4.3.2. Emission Trading Scheme in China |
| 4.3.3. The Chinese Certified Emission Reduction |
| 4.3.4. Monitoring, Reporting and Verification |
| 4.3.5. Environmental Impact Assessments in China |
| 4.3.6. Environmental Insurance |
| 4.4. Establishment of Environmental Courts and Ministries |
| 4.4.1. Establishment of Ministry of Environmental Protection |
| 4.4.2. Creation of the Ministry of Ecology and Environment |
| 4.4.3. Creation of Specialised Environmental Courts |
| 4.5. Measures Taken to Enforce Environmental Laws and Counter EnvironmentalChallenges |
| 4.5.1. Environmental Laws and Standards |
| 4.5.2. China's New Environmental Protection Law |
| 4.5.3. Environmental Regulatory Framework |
| 4.5.4. Environmental NGOs in China |
| 4.5.5. Environmental Police Force |
| 4.5.6. The Environmental Protection Tax Law |
| 4.6. Criticism and Recommendations |
| 4.6.1. No Tax on CO2 Emissions Included in the newly amended EPL |
| 4.6.2. No Punishment for the Government Personnel on Their Failure |
| 4.6.3. Key Failings of the SO_2 Emissions Trading Market |
| 4.6.4. How Can the New EPL Be Implemented Even Better? |
| 4.7. Conclusion |
| CHAPTER 5 COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF ENVIRONMENTAL LEGISLATION,ENFORCEMENT MECHANISMS AND CURRENT PRACTICES IN CHINA ANDPAKISTAN |
| 5.1. Introduction |
| 5.2. Environmental Legislation and Enforcement Mechanisms in China |
| 5.2.1. Environmental Management Rules in China |
| 5.2.2. Public Interest Litigation in China |
| 5.2.3. The Chinese Institutional Setup and Enforcement Mechanisms |
| 5.3. Environmental Legislation and Enforcement Mechanisms in Pakistan |
| 5.3.1. Existing Environmental Legislation |
| 5.3.2. Environmental related Institutions in Pakistan |
| 5.4. Transboundary Environmental Law in the Context of International Law |
| 5.4.1. Approaches to Customary International Law and Transboundary EnvironmentalHarms |
| 5.4.2. International Law and Pertinent Decisions of International Tribunals |
| 5.4.3. International Treaties and Protocols |
| 5.4.4. The Comparative Law Functions and its Relevance with InternationalEnvironmental Law |
| 5.4.5. From National to International--Topical Trends in Environmental Liabilityfrom Comparative and International Law Perspectives |
| 5.5. Comparative Discussion and Analysis |
| 5.5.1. Public Participation in Environmental Matters |
| 5.5.2. Environmental Impact Assessment System in China and Pakistan |
| 5.5.3. Carbon Emission Schemes in China |
| 5.5.4. Carbon Emissions Schemes in Pakistan |
| 5.5.5. Sustainable Development and the Role of ASEAN in the RegionalEnvironmental Law Perspective |
| 5.5.6. The Role of Judiciary in Environmental Matters in China and Pakistan |
| 5.5.7. Transboundary Environmental Issues and Pertinent (Regional) Legislation |
| 5.5.8. The Development of International and Regional Environmental Laws |
| 5.5.9. Increasing Consistency between Domestic Environmental Legislation andInternational Trade Law |
| 5.5.10. Legal Grounds of Bilateral Cooperation Concerning TransboundaryEnvironmental Issues |
| 5.5.11. Economic Concerns and Development of Environmental Laws |
| 5.5.12. Policy Transfer and Lesson Drawing--Legal Cooperation |
| 5.6. Conclusion |
| CHAPTER 6 CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS |
| 6.1. Concluding Remarks |
| 6.2. Recommendations |
| BIBLIOGRAPHY |
| BOOKS |
| JOURNAL ARTICLES |
| OTHER RESOURCES |
| ACKNOWLEDGEMENT |
| LIST OF ACADEMIC PAPERS PUBLISHED DURING THE COURSE OF A (PHD)DEGREE |
| 学位论文评阅及答辩情况表 |
（8）保罗·基廷的亚洲思维及其对澳亚关系的影响（论文提纲范文）
| Abstract |
| 摘要 |
| Chapter1 Introduction |
| 1.1 Background and origin |
| 1.2 Objectives of the study |
| 1.3 Literature review |
| 1.3.1 Related research in China |
| 1.3.2 Related research in Australia |
| 1.4 Research methodology |
| 1.5 Overview of the dissertation |
| Chapter2 Setting Tones:Context of Paul Keating's Asia Thinking |
| 2.1 Australia's regional overview in the1990s |
| 2.2 Asia's role in Australia's economic development |
| 2.3 Challenges to Australia's old mindset |
| Chapter3 Identity and National Interests:Essentialities of Paul Keating's Asia Thinking |
| 3.1 Time to change:Australia and Australia's Asia thinking |
| 3.1.1 Strategy and political trends |
| 3.1.2 Economy |
| 3.1.3 Values |
| 3.2 Paul Keating and Keating's Asia thinking |
| 3.3 Benefits and feasibility in logic:Paul Keating's Asia thinking and Australia |
| 3.3.1 Benefits from engaging with Asia |
| 3.3.2 Measures to engage with Asia |
| 3.3.3 Australia's strengths in engaging with Asia |
| 3.3.4 Legitimacy of engaging with Asia |
| 3.4 Paul Keating's ideas on Asia thinking |
| 3.4.1 Politics |
| 3.4.2 Australia's Asianization |
| 3.4.3 The Role of the United States to Australia |
| 3.4.4 Regionalisation |
| 3.4.5 Multilateralism |
| 3.5 Fighting for Australia:Keating government's practices on the new Asia thinking |
| 3.5.1 China |
| 3.5.2 Japan |
| 3.5.3 ROK and DPRK |
| 3.5.4 Indonesia |
| 3.5.5 America |
| 3.6 Enrichment and development:Paul Keating's Asia thinking after 1996 |
| Chapter4 Comments of Paul Keating's Asia thinking from Australians |
| 4.1 Turn around a national psyche:Australia's politicians |
| 4.2 Trust overweight doubts:Australia's academia |
| 4.3 Wait and see:public opinion |
| Chapter5 Dilemma and Belief:Rethinking Paul Keating's Asia Thinking |
| 5.1 Continuity and differences:Paul Keating's Asia thinking and the successive governments |
| 5.2 Challenges and difficulties to Paul Keating's Asia thinking |
| 5.2.1 The lack of mutual trust |
| 5.2.2 China's rise |
| 5.2.3 Australians who were reluctant to change their inherent view to Asia |
| 5.2.4 A top-down negative attitude towards Asia |
| 5.2.5 The changes in international politics in recent years |
| 5.3 Win-win situation |
| Chapter6 Conclusion |
| Bibliography |
| Abbreviations and Acronyms |
| Acknowledgements |
（9）大国竞争背景下美中俄在里海地区的能源外交（1991-2019）（论文提纲范文）
| 摘要 |
| abstract |
| 1 INTRODUCTION |
| 1.1 BACKGROUND |
| 1.2 RESEARCH QUESTIONS |
| 1.3 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK AND METHODOLOGY |
| 1.4 RESEARCH SIGNIFICANCE |
| 1.4.1 Energy quest |
| 1.4.2 China’s rise,Russia’s decline and global retreat of the U.S.as a public-goods provider |
| 1.5 LITERATURE REVIEW |
| 2 CASPIAN REGION/CENTRAL ASIA |
| 2.1 CASPIAN SEA OIL AND GAS RESOURCES OVERVIEW |
| 2.2 OIL AND GAS PIPELINES |
| 2.3 CASPIAN SEA STATUS |
| 2.4 CASPIAN STATES:TURKMENISTAN,KAZAKHSTAN,AND AZERBAIJAN |
| 2.4.1 Historical background and current state |
| 2.4.2 Turkmenistan’s oil and gas sector |
| 2.4.3 Kazakhstan’s oil and gas sector |
| 2.4.4 Azerbaijan’s oil and gas sector |
| 2.5 CASPIAN STATES:RUSSIA |
| 2.6 CASPIAN STATES:IRAN |
| 3 U.S.ENERGY DIPLOMACY IN THE CASPIAN REGION BETWEEN 1991 AND 2019 |
| 3.1 U.S.IDEOLOGY AND FOREIGN POLICY |
| 3.2 FOREIGN AND ENERGY POLICY ACTORS |
| 3.3 THE INTERPLAY BETWEEN U.S. ENERGY INTERESTS AND IDEOLOGY-DRIVEN VALUES IN THE CASPIAN REGION |
| 4 CHINESE ENERGY DIPLOMACY IN THE CASPIAN REGION BETWEEN 1991 AND 2019 |
| 4.1 CHINESE IDEOLOGY AND FOREIGN POLICY VALUES |
| 4.2 FOREIGN POLICY ACTORS |
| 4.3 THE INTERPLAY BETWEEN CHINESE ENERGY INTERESTS AND IDEOLOGY-DRIVEN VALUES IN THE CASPIAN REGION |
| 5 RUSSIAN ENERGY DIPLOMACY IN THE CASPIAN REGION BETWEEN1991 AND 2019 |
| 5.1 RUSSIAN IDEOLOGY AND FOREIGN POLICY |
| 5.2 FOREIGN AND ENERGY POLICY ACTORS |
| 5.3 THE INTERPLAY BETWEEN RUSSIAN ENERGY INTERESTS AND IDEOLOGY-DRIVEN VALUES IN THE CASPIAN REGION |
| 6 'GREAT POWER COMPETITION' AND THE CASPIAN REGION |
| 6.1 OVERVIEW OF 'GREAT POWER COMPETITION' AMONG THE U.S.,CHINA,AND RUSSIA |
| 6.2 'GREAT POWER COMPETITION' IN THE CASPIAN REGION/CENTRAL ASIA |
| 6.2.1 Great Power Competition in Central Asia |
| 6.2.2 Great Power Cooperation |
| 6.2.3 Balancing the“Big Three” by bringing other regional players |
| 6.3 THE RESPONSE OF THE CENTRAL ASIAN REPUBLICS |
| 6.3.1 Kazakhstan |
| 6.3.2 Azerbaijan |
| 6.3.3 Turkmenistan |
| 6.3.4 Central Asian Union |
| CONCLUSION |
| BIBLIOGRAPHY |
| CV AND PUBLICATION LIST |
| ACKNOWLEDGEMENT |
（10）中哈战略伙伴关系与双边经济合作（论文提纲范文）
| Abstract |
| 内容摘要 |
| Introduction |
| Importance of the research |
| Methodology |
| Summary |
| Chapter Ⅰ. The Foundation of Sino-Kazakhstan Relations |
| Part 1.1. Factors determining the direction of cooperation betweenKazakhstan and China |
| Part 1.2. History of Sino-Kazakhstan relations since USSR collapse underNazarbayev N.A. administration and the formation of legal framework ofcooperation |
| Chapter Ⅱ. The Political Relations between China and Kazakhstan |
| Part 2.1. Common security issues and military-technical cooperation |
| Part 2.2. The China-Kazakhstan Security cooperation within SCOframework |
| Chapter Ⅲ. Geopolitical Interests of both China and Kazakhstan |
| Part 3.1. The relation of Kazakhstan to the XUAR region as a zone ofstrategic partnership between the two countries |
| Part 3.2. Kazakhstan as a key to Central Asia and gate from the East to theWest for China |
| Chapter Ⅳ. The Projects of Economic Cooperation between China andKazakhstan and the Main Goals |
| Part 4.1. The current state of the economic cooperation between China andKazakhstan |
| Part 4.2. China's investment projects in Kazakhstan and its motives |
| Part 4.3. Cooperation in the energy field |
| Part 4.4. Cooperation in the agricultural field |
| CONCLUSION |
| References |
| Appendix |
| Acknowledgement |
四、Ｃｈｉｎａ ａｎｄ Ａｓｉａ－Ｐａｃｉｆｉｃ Ｅｃｏｎｏｍｙ ｉｎ ２１ｓｔ Ｃｅｎｔｕｒｙ（论文参考文献）
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- [2]The Centenary of the CPC: Leading the Times by Grasping the Laws and Trends of Historical Development[J]. 谢伏瞻. China Economist, 2021(06)
- [3]中美战略竞争下的战略第三方选择：基于海量事件数据的中美印、中美俄、中美欧VAR模型分析[J]. 曹玮. 当代亚太, 2021(05)
- [4]大变局下的中国与国际发展合作（英文）[J]. 魏玲. China International Studies, 2021(05)
- [5]后冷战时代小国在国际政治中的角色演变 ——孟加拉国和新加坡的案例研究[D]. Noor Mohammad Sarker. 山东大学, 2021(11)
- [6]Rising China’s Policy Towards South Asia:From Limited Interactions to Proactive Engagement[D]. Pamir Gautam. 山东大学, 2020(08)
- [7]中巴环境法比较研究 ——执法与未来路径[D]. MEHRAN IDRIS KHAN. 山东大学, 2020(07)
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